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it has been in the modern world , according to a new study of ethnographic recor
ds and human remains found in ancient burials . Still older prehistoric societie s had violent death rates thousands of times higher . Recurrent warfare appears to have been the chief reason . `` The price we pay in our modern civilization f or being divided into nation-states is far lower than what we would be paying if the world were still tribalized , '' said Lawrence Keeley , an anthropologist a t the University of Illinois at Chicago , whose findings are being published nex t year as a book by Oxford University Press . Keeley calculated that if the worl d 's current population were undergoing warfare at the rate attributed to prehis toric peoples , 22 million people would die violently every year . In fact , the highest estimate of violent deaths of all kinds during the entire 20th century is around 100 million . Keeley 's study focuses on societies that lived between 12,000 years ago and the present . Among the more recent tribal societies , the annual death rate from violence averaged from estimates by various anthropologis ts who studied them is close to 0.5 percent . In other words , this is the perce ntage of people who die by violent means each year . In the United States today , the comparable figure is around 0.01 percent 50 times less . ( This is usually expressed as 10 violent deaths per 100,000 population . ) In still older prehis toric societies , Keeley said , the violent death rates , probably largely from warfare , appear to range between 1 percent and 40 percent . He cited one villag e site dated at A.D. 1325 in what is now South Dakota . `` There were 50 houses in this town , which meant that around 800 people lived there . Every house in t he town had been burned to the ground . '' Archaeologists found a mass grave con taining skeletons of more than 500 people . Of the skulls that could be found , 94 percent bore scalping marks . Most of the bodies had been badly mutilated and left to rot . Keeley said it is a myth that `` pre-civilized '' life was peacef ul and happy , and that Western civilization is the root of all evil . `` As soc ieties evolve and become larger and more complex , less violent ways of resolvin g disputes are institutionalized , '' Keeley said . `` What prevents war is poli tics . '' The planet Earth is a flasher . In recent years , several different scientific teams have detected mysterious bursts of light in the upper atmosphere , apparen tly linked somehow to thunderstorms . Scientists and others have seen them from the ground , from airplanes , from the space shuttle and through robot observato ries in orbit . They have seen them in optical wavelengths and in intense micros econd sizzles of radio waves and now in the form of high-energy gamma rays . A t eam using NASA 's orbiting Gamma Ray Observatory , designed to scan the cosmos f or powerful celestial sources of the rays , reports in the May 27 Science that i t has seen at least a dozen Earth-flashes in two years . `` The last thing we ev er expected to see was gamma rays coming up from Earth , '' said Gerald Fishman of Marshall Space Flight Center , who led the team . `` But about a week after w e reached orbit , we started seeing flashes coming from below the spacecraft . ' ' Collaborating with weather and lightning experts at Marshall , the team used o ld weather satellite photos to determine that there were always storms nearby wh en the flashes occurred . The bursts could originate in a rare type of high-alti tude electrical discharge above storms , possibly the result of lightning bolts that punch through the top of a thunderhead . Estimated to begin at altitudes no lower than about 19 miles well above the storm cloud tops and to rise as high a s 63 miles , the flashes lasted from 1 to 8 milliseconds too short to pose any d anger . They carried the signature of emissions from million-volt electrons dece lerating rapidly ( known as bremsstrahlung radiation ) . About half had a double pulse , and one had five . However , according to a companion commentary by Ric hard Kerr , to create these effects would require superbolts 30 times more power ful than normal . She is hardly a household name , but New York Republicans hope Elizabeth McCaug hey will make life as miserable for Democratic Gov. Mario M. Cuomo as she did ea rlier this year for President Clinton . McCaughey tore apart Clinton 's health-c are plan in a long and devastating Feb. 7 New Republic article that forced the W hite House to issue a point-by-point rebuttal and drew a rebuke from the preside nt himself . Now she has been transformed from think-tank scholar to political c andidate as the New York Republican Party 's endorsed candidate for lieutenant g overnor , and one of her principal roles , says the man who put her on the ticke t , is to distinguish the difference between Cuomo 's rhetoric and his record . `` Betsy has done such a spectacular job on the health-care plan .. . I have no doubt she will do a tremendous job '' on Cuomo 's record , said state Sen. Georg e E. Pataki , the Republicans ' endorsed candidate for governor and the man who put McCaughey ( pronounced McCoy ) on his ticket . Pataki , who was the handpick ed candidate of Sen. Alfonse M. D' Amato , R-N.Y. , said that , despite strains and schisms evident all year , Republicans emerged from their state convention l ast week `` with an overwhelming sense of optimism '' about the fall campaigns . McCaughey , after a day crisscrossing the state , said she is eager to serve . `` I 've spent 25 years studying American government , '' she said . `` I adore our system of government . It 's the freest and most enduring democracy every cr eated , so the idea of participating as an elected leader is very exciting to me . '' Most Republicans who endorsed her nomination had barely heard of McCaughey , but her clash with Clinton has given her unique celebrity status . After all , how many other candidates for lieutenant governor have posed for Vanity Fair i n a loaned designer gown ? `` I was quite shocked by it myself , '' McCaughey sa id after seeing the photo . A specialist in 18th-century history , she had hoped the magazine would use a close up picture of her and an image of George Washing ton . SAN ANTONIO If it had not been for the Daughters of the Republic of Texas , the re would not even be an Alamo today . Instead of this familiar limestone shrine , this monument to liberty or death , there would be just another downtown hotel . For nearly 90 years , the Daughters have protected the Alamo , restored it , tended it and treated it like the most precious real estate in Texas . And now , as the Daughters see it , this is the thanks they get : Ethnic minorities have accused them of ignoring other claims to the site . An adjoining park has been p roposed that could , they fear , turn the Alamo into Disney World . A new histor ical perspective has reduced their heroes to lily-livered scoundrels . And at ev ery turn , the Daughters have been assailed as hidebound , amateurish and stubbo rn dowagers with nothing better to do than drink tea and plot more ways to justi fy their blindered version of the past . It has been most unpleasant . `` The Da ughters are willing to look , listen and talk , '' said Gail Loving Barnes of Od essa , who wears the ceremonial ribbon sash of the group 's president-general an d speaks softly , but crisply , about the controversies . `` We have been conten t all these years to work to preserve the Alamo , the shrine to Texas liberty . We did not seek publicity . We did not pat ourselves on the back . I realize now our foremothers should have arranged for some positive publicity years ago , so people would know what we were doing all along . '' Some critics have gone so f ar as to suggest the time has come for the Daughters of the Republic of Texas to relinquish control of the site , which draws 3 million visitors a year and rank s as one of the country 's more compelling attractions . That is a possibility t he Daughters can describe only as unthinkable . `` We will never give up , just to put it bluntly , '' Barnes said , as other members shook their heads in empha sis . They refer to themselves as The Daughters . There are about 6,600 members of this unique and exclusive group ; to qualify , an applicant must provide irre futable evidence her ancestors were early colonizers of what became Texas in the years before 1845 . History is greatly revered in the Texas scheme of things . Every little Texan is taught that he or she lives in the most fascinating state in the Union what other state was ever a country all its own ? Six of the top 10 tourist attractions here are historic sites , and students begin learning Texas history in the first grade , largely due to the Daughters ' heavy campaigning . The names Jim Bowie , William Travis and Davy Crockett , the shining heroes of the Alamo , are as familiar to youngsters as Batman . No battle is more sacred h ere than the siege of the Alamo , the fight for Texas independence from Mexico . It has all the essential stirring elements : an outnumbered band of patriots ho led up for days inside a former mission , a rousing agreement to fight to the de ath , a brutal annihilation that paved the way to a greater triumph . For 13 day s in 1836 , Col. Travis and 188 men managed to stave off the ferocious Mexican G en. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna and his 4,000 well-armed troops . Finally , in t he pre-dawn hours of March 6 , the Mexican forces stormed the fortress , slaying all but a few women and children and burning the bodies of the resisters . Alth ough Santa Anna dismissed the conflict as a minor affair , he had lost 600 men . Forty-six days later , the stage was set for the Battle of San Jacinto , when G en. Houston led his 800 volunteers to defeat the Mexican army , and the Republic of Texas was born . Incensed by the Alamo 's fall and inspired by reports of th e heroics there , Houston 's men coined a rallying cry that has since become a s tandard expression in American language : `` Remember the Alamo ! '' Texas switc hed from sovereign country to on of the United States in 1845 . The Daughters , founded in the 1890s as a historic-preservation society , entered the picture in 1905 , when the Texas legislature granted them custodianship of the crumbling a nd neglected Alamo . Clara Driscoll and Adina de Zavala , two founders of the gr oup , had saved the site from destruction ; it was coveted for a new hotel . Sin ce then , there have been regular tempests at the Alamo , but the Daughters agre e the latest series of assaults depicting them as blue-haired control freaks or worse , white supremacists has gone beyond normal bounds . One after another , c ritics have emerged to attack the fortress . Gary Gabehart of the Inter-Tribal C ouncil of American Indians says the Daughters are wrong to concentrate solely on the siege , that the Alamo should also honor the 921 mission Indians previously buried at the site . Gilberto Hinojosa , a dean at Incarnate Word College , wan ts more emphasis on the Alamo 's role as a mission . Historians have raised doub ts about the very worthiness of the heroes Houston may have been an opium addict , Davy Crockett a sniveler . David Anthony Richelieu 's serious plan to expand the Alamo site to its former football-field-sized proportions has filled the Dau ghters with dismay . `` The DRT has had this little domain , and people are jeal ous , '' said Richelieu , a columnist for the San Antonio Express-News who has c losely followed the disputes and belongs to a special , city-appointed committee to study the questions about the Alamo . Visitors to the shrine on a recent aft ernoon hardly seem repelled by the disputes . Dozens of people prowled the lush green grounds , marveling at the smallness of the Alamo ( the mission itself is tiny , and the compound covers only 4 acres ) and its surprising location . Many first-time visitors expect the Alamo to be situated , alone , on a windswept hi ll , but downtown San Antonio sprang up around the site , and a Wendy 's and a W oolworth 's loom across the street . The Daughters do not like it that lost in t he controversy is the fact the group has never charged for admission to the Alam o , meeting a budget that now reaches $ 2 million a year with donations and the sale of Alamo-shaped ashtrays and coonskin caps . Not a penny of tax money has e ver gone to the Alamo . WASHINGTON Among the double agents that former CIA officer Aldrich H. Ames has admitted exposing to Moscow was Oleg Gordievsky , the KGB 's onetime top officer in London and the most important Soviet spy ever recruited by MI5 , Britain 's security service . Problem is , Ames can't say exactly when he told Moscow about Gordievsky . The FBI had concluded it was on June 13 , 1985 , when Ames turned over to a Soviet Embassy employee in Washington an envelope containing a list of code-names or other identifying clues for all the Soviet citizens he knew were in the pay of the CIA or allied governments . The FBI fixed on that date using p hotographic , electronic and other surveillance records that are supposed to hav e recorded all those who visited the Soviet Embassy , sources said . But the FBI did not consult with Gordievsky or read the book that he wrote in 1990 , the so urces said . In the book , Gordievsky said he was mysteriously ordered back to M oscow from London on May 17 , 1985 , four weeks before the FBI has Ames turning over his list . Gordievsky also wrote that on May 27 , 1985 , he was drugged , i nterrogated by KGB officials in the Soviet Union and `` directly accused of work ing for the British . '' Ames has said he cannot remember the date he passed the envelope , but during an interview last month placed it `` some months '' after March 1985 . Neither MI5 nor the CIA wants it proven that Ames was not the one who informed on Gordievsky because that would suggest another , still undiscover ed double agent inside either U.S. or British intelligence . The FBI , sources s aid , has been asked to review its finding . Gordievsky himself announced after Ames 's arrest that he believed it was Ames who turned him in . `` He has the bl ood of a dozen officers on his hands , '' Gordievsky wrote in an article in Marc h . `` He would have had my blood , too , had I not managed to escape before the KGB had any evidence , other than Ames 's tip-off , against me . '' Some Britis h intelligence officials , although accepting the CIA 's apology , have come to believe that Gordievsky was uncovered by the KGB 's own counterintelligence work and that Ames 's information only confirmed an existing suspicion . Motivated b y his realization that the Soviet Union was a stagnant , corrupt society , Gordi evsky agreed to spy for British intelligence in 1974 while working as a KGB poli tical intelligence officer in Copenhagen . He rose steadily in the KGB in Moscow and arrived in London in 1982 . Three years later he was named chief of the KGB 's station in the British capital . So impressive was Gordievsky 's information that some of his reports were hand-carried to then-President Ronald Reagan . Th ey gave top leaders in London and Washington what one former high-ranking CIA of ficial called `` an amazing look inside the Kremlin . '' From London Gordievsky would report on gossip he gathered and conversations he had with visiting Soviet officials and KGB officers . His reports covered China , Nicaragua , even the U nited States . The information he conveyed about the internal workings of the Kr emlin `` went way beyond any reporting we were getting , '' the former CIA offic ial said . Only a handful of top CIA officials knew the material was coming from a KGB source in London and from an individual senior enough to assume charge on occasion of the Soviet Embassy there . Ames , along with a handful of other off icers in the CIA operations directorate , was able to determine that MI5 's sour ce came from the KGB station in London . According to Gordievsky , he was unexpe ctedly recalled to Moscow in a cable he received May 17 , 1985 , saying he would be formally appointed head of the KGB 's London operation and two Politburo mem bers wanted to talk to him . When he arrived in Moscow on May 19 , he found his apartment had been searched . For a week nothing happened . Then he was taken to a KGB dacha outside Moscow for a lavish lunch that included large amounts of li quor . After the meal he felt drugged . He was then subjected to sharp questioni ng for the rest of the day , including accusations he had become a British agent . He denied the charges and maintained his innocence . Gordievsky was released , but his wife and children were ordered back from London and he was told he wou ld not be allowed to serve outside the Soviet Union again . He was relieved of d uties and told he had to report to KGB headquarters for a new assignment on Aug. 3 , 1985 . Gordievsky wrote in his book that he believed the Soviets were waiti ng to see if they could catch him secretly meeting with MI5 agents . On July 19 , without giving notice to his family , Gordievsky and MI5 agents carried out a bold escape plan . He was picked up by MI5 agents on a street outside Moscow whi le jogging with a KGB guard just yards away . He was smuggled out of Russia thro ugh a route that remains secret . The issue of Israeli settlers and settlements in the West Bank and Gaza cannot go long ignored . If mishandled , the fate of the settlers will undermine the pr ospects for later stages of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations . Ironically , the $ 10 billion U.S. loan-guarantee program just two years ago the single most cont entious issue in U.S.-Israeli relations could serve as a vehicle of conciliation and peacemaking . Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin has courageously said th at peace is more important than settlements . So far he has given no indication of how , or under what conditions , settlements might be removed . But Israel ha s the capacity on its own to adopt non-coercive policies that could at least red uce the magnitude of the settler population , leaving until later negotiations t he precise details of how settlements will be dealt with in a final peace agreem ent . When the Camp David accords were signed in 1978 , some 10,000 Israelis liv ed in the West Bank and Gaza ( beyond the expanded municipal boundaries of Jerus alem ) . Then , during the 1980s , the Israeli government intensified substantia lly its financial incentives to lure more Israelis to settle in the West Bank . The goal was to make it impossible for any future Israeli government to relinqui sh the area . As a result , more than 130,000 Israelis now live in the territori es , excluding those in expanded Jerusalem . American aid , up until 1991 , cont ributed to the settling of the West Bank by cushioning what would otherwise have been a substantial drain on the Israeli budget in the form of subsidies to sett lers . Now , when peace is a real prospect , the time has come for the United St ates and the Israeli government to reverse the financial incentives . An appropr iate instrument for this is the $ 10 billion loan-guarantee program authorized b y Congress in 1992 to provide housing for hundreds of thousands of Jews expected to emigrate from the former Soviet Union . Since actual immigration has turned out to be less than anticipated , the loan guarantees now largely unused could f acilitate emigration from the territories by financing housing within pre-1967 I srael for tens of thousands of returning Israeli settlers . Here 's how such a p rogram might work : Relocation assistance would be made available to families th at agree to leave apartments and homes in the territories . These properties wou ld become the property of the Israeli government and might at some later date be transferred to Palestinians , within the context of final status negotiations . The amount of assistance provided would decline over time . In the first year , $ 100,000 per family might be made available . This could be reduced in $ 20,00 0 increments each year , so that settlers waiting until the fifth year would rec eive only limited compensation . In short , those who leave early will be reward ed . At present , there are approximately 25,000 Israeli families living in the territories . If , in each of the next five years , 4,000 families took advantag e of the program , the cost to the Israeli government would be just over $ 1 bil lion dollars , a limited part of the total $ 10 billion in U.S.-guaranteed loans . A program of this sort will not draw the most ideological of the settlers fro m the territories , and it can also be expected that smaller groups of extremist s committed to violence will not leave in response to financial incentives . But polls show that even now more than 30 percent of the settlers are ready to leav e if compensation is provided . And this number will grow once the process is st arted . The program could be implemented unilaterally by the Israeli government ; no negotiations with the Palestinians are required ; and no coercion would be involved . Moreover , it would still leave open the future of the settlements th emselves and of those settlers who remain . By agreement , those issues are to b e dealt with in the final-status negotiations , which according to the Declarati on of Principles are to `` commence as soon as possible but not later than the b eginning of the third year of the interim period . '' The advantages of assistin g the settlers to leave now are compelling . By reducing the size of the settler population , the problem of dealing with settlements in the final status negoti ations will be significantly easier , both to negotiate and to implement . Indee d , if this is not done , the settlement question may prove `` a deal breaker '' Download 9.93 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |
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