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§ 8. Thus, we have arrived at the "strict categorial view" of the per-
fect, disclosing it as the marking form of a separate verbal cate-
gory, semantically intermediate between aspective and temporal, 
but quite self-dependent in the general categorial system of the 
English verb. It is this interpretation of the perfect that gives a 
natural explanation to the "enigmatic" verbal form of the perfect 
continuous, showing that each categorial marker — both perfect 
and continuous — being separately expressed in the speech entry 
of the verbal lexeme, conveys its own part in the integral gram-
matical meaning of the entry. Namely, the perfect interprets the ac-
tion in the light of priority and aspective transmission, while the 
continuous presents the same action as progressive. As a result, far 
from displaying any kind of semantic contradiction or discrepancy, 
the grammatical characterisation of the action gains both in preci-
sion and vividness. The latter quality explains why this verbal form 
is gaining more and more ground in present-day colloquial English. 
As a matter of fact, the specific semantic features of the perfect and 
the continuous in each integrating use can be distinctly exposed by 
separate diagnostic tests. Cf.: A week or two ago someone related 
an incident to me with the suggestion that I should write a story on 
it, and since then I have been thinking it over (S. Maugham). 
Testing for the perfect giving prominence to the expression of pri-
ority in retrospective coordination will be represented as follows: 
→ I have been thinking over the suggestion for a week or two now. 
Testing for the perfect giving prominence to the expression of suc-
cession in retrospective coordination will be made thus: → Since 
the time the suggestion was made I have been thinking it over. 
Finally, testing for the continuous giving prominence to the expres-
sion of action in progress will include expansion: → Since the sug-
gestion was made I have been thinking it over continually, 

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Naturally, both perfect indefinite and perfect continuous, being 
categorially characterised by their respective features, in normal 
use are not strictly dependent on a favourable contextual environ-
ment and can express their semantics in isolation from adverbial 
time indicators. Cf.: 
Surprisingly, she did not protest, for she had given up the struggle 
(M. Dickens). "What have you been doing down there?" Miss Peel 
asked him. "I've been looking for you all over the play-ground" (M. 
Dickens). 
The exception is the future perfect that practically always requires 
a contextual indicator of time due to the prospective character of 
posteriority, of which we have already spoken. 
It should be noted that with the past perfect the priority principle is 
more distinct than with the present perfect, which again is ex-
plained semantically. In many cases the past perfect goes with the 
lexical indicators of time introducing the past plane as such in the 
microcontext. On the other hand, the transmissive semantics of the 
perfect can so radically take an upper hand over its priority seman-
tics even in the past plane that the form is placed in a peculiar ex-
pressive contradiction with a lexical introduction of priority. In