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§ 10 The categorial opposition "perfect versus imperfect" is


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§ 10 The categorial opposition "perfect versus imperfect" is 
broadly represented in verbids. The verbid representation of the 
opposition, though, is governed by a distinct restrictive regularity 
which may be formulated as follows: the perfect is used with ver-
bids only in semantically strong positions, i.e. when its categorial 
meaning is made prominent. Otherwise the opposition is neutral-
ised, the imperfect being used in the position of neutralisation. 
Quite evidently this regularity is brought about by the intermediary 
lexico-grammatical features of verbids, since the category of retro-
spective coordination is utterly alien to the non-verbal parts of 
speech. The structural neutralisation of the opposition is especially 
distinct with the present participle of the limitive verbs, its indefi-
nite form very naturally expressing priority in the perfective sense. 
Cf.: She came to Victoria to see Joy off, and Freddy Rigby came 
too, bringing a crowd of the kind of young people Rodney did not 
care for (M. Dickens). 
But the rule of the strong position is valid here also. Cf.: Her 
Auntie Phyll had too many children. Having 


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brought up six in a messy, undisciplined way, she had started all 
over again with another baby late in life (M. Dickens). 
With the gerund introduced by a preposition of time the perfect is 
more often than not neutralised. E.g.: He was at Cambridge and af-
ter taking his degree decided to be a planter (S. Maugham). 
Cf. the perfect gerund in a strong position: The memory of having 
met the famous writer in his young days made him feel proud even 
now. 
Less liable to neutralisation is the infinitive. The category of retro-
spective coordination is for the most part consistently represented 
in its independent constructions, used as concise semi-predicative 
equivalents of syntactic units of full predication. Cf.: 
It was utterly unbelievable for the man to have no competence 
whatsoever (simultaneity expressed by the imperfect). — It was ut-
terly unbelievable for the man to have had no competence whatso-
ever (priority expressed by the perfect). 
The perfect infinitive of notional verbs used with modal predica-
tors, similar to the continuous, performs the two types of functions. 
First, it expresses priority and transmission in retrospective coordi-
nation, in keeping with its categorial destination. Second, depend-
ent on the concrete function of each modal verb and its equivalent, 
it helps convey gradations of probabilities in suppositions. E.g.: 
He may have warned Christine, or again, he may not have warned 
her. Who can tell? Things must have been easier fifty years ago. 
You needn't worry, Miss Nickolson. The children are sure to have 
been following our instructions, it can't have been otherwise. 
In addition, as its third type of function, also dependent on the in-
dividual character of different modal verbs, the perfect can render 
the idea of non-compliance with certain rule, advice, recommenda-
tion, etc. The modal verbs in these cases serve as signals of remon-
strance (mostly the verbs ought to and should). Cf.: Mary ought to 
have thought of the possible consequences. Now the situation can't 
be mended, I'm afraid. 
The modal will used with a perfect in a specific collocation renders 
a polite, but officially worded statement of the presupposed 
hearer's knowledge of an indicated fact. Cf.: 


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"You will no doubt have heard, Admiral Morgan, that Lord 
Vaughan is going to replace Sir Thomas Lynch as Governor of Ja-
maica," Charles said, and cast a glance of secret amusement at the 
strong countenance of his most famous sailor (J. Tey). It will not 
have escaped your attention, Inspector, that the visit of the nuns 
was the same day that poisoned wedding cake found its way into 
that cottage (A. Christie). 
Evident relation between the perfect and the continuous in their 
specific modal functions (i.e. in the use under modal government) 
can be pointed out as a testimony to the category of retrospective 
coordination being related to the category of development on the 
broad semantic basis of aspectuality. 

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