Communication (Journalism) Honours Thesis at Deakin University, Australia Faculty of Arts and Education June
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Dissident Iranian Journalists are not We
The Daily Telegraph
a ‘Hellhole Solution’ (‘Refugees ignoring the threat of hellhole’, July 24, 2013). During this time, the number of Iranian refugees increased. In 2012-13, Australia received 4,382 asylum claims from Iranians who had arrived by boat (Asylum Insight, Facts & Analysis, ‘Iran’, last updated October 2017) and Behrouz Boochani was one of them. They were all transferred immediately to Nauru and Manus Island (Boochani 2018). During this period, journalists were forbidden to go inside the camps to report on what was happening. ‘Foreign journalists have been banned from visiting Papua New Guinea’s Manus Island until further notice ’ ( Hall B 2012, Media barred from Manus Island, The Sunday Morning Herald August 28). For more than five years, Nauru and Papua New Guinea have refused most media requests for a visa in order for people to report on Australia’s immigration detention system. When questioned, the Australian government said that it has no involvement in these decisions (Davidson H 2018, Australia jointly responsible for Nauru's draconian media policy, The Guardian, 4 Oct). Wasted Lives 18 Nevertheless, human rights and social activists in Australia do not remain silent, and they protest in different ways including street demonstrations (Specia M, 2018 The New York Times, ‘Australians Protest Five Years of Offshore Detention Policies’, July 21), massive social media campaigns (such as #ARoofOverMyHead, #KidsOffNauru,#LetThemStay and #5YearsTooMany), as well as publishing articles in social media, the mainstream press, and academia. Eventually, the Australian government was forced to shut down both camps in Nauru and Manus Island under domestic and international pressure and finally with a judicial order of a decision by the PNG Supreme Court in November 2017. However, this was not the end of the story. Almost about 700 refugees inside the camps refused to leave without a clear plan for their visas. (Davidson H, 2017, The Guardian, ‘Manus Island: dark chapter of Austrlian immigration poised to close ’, October 30) According to the agreement between Australia and PNG, refugees would be moved to three other transit centres on the island without any progress in their visa status. Seven hundred forty- two refugees refused the order and, although all camp services were discontinued, they still stayed inside the camp for 23 days (SBS News, 2017, A ‘history of Manus Island and what's next for refugees ’, October 31). Behrouz Boochani was one of them. These refugees believed that leaving the camp left them unsafe because local people would harass them as had happened many times before (for example The Guardian 2017, ‘Manus Island refugees seriously injured in machete attack ’”, 31 Jul; The Guardian, 2018, ‘Iranian refugee on Manus Island violently assaulte ’”, October 21). To sum up, after World War II, Australia was generally a safe haven for white European asylum seekers. However, after the arrival of Vietnamese asylum seekers in the 1970s, and then the rise of asylum seekers from the Middle East in the 1990s, Australian governments eventually turned the asylum seekers issue into a political, economic, and cultural debate. It was in the 2000s when the Australian government introduced offshore detention programs to deter asylum seekers and it was 2013 when the Papua New Guinea Solution (the PNG Solution) was introduced. Under the PNG Solution, boat asylum seekers would be kept on Manus Island and Nauru to proceed with their refugee cases. Since then, hundreds of asylum seekers have been waiting on the islands for the Australian Government's decision about their re-location. During this period, massive protests by human rights activists and organisations have taken place against Australia's anti-refugee policies, but few significant changes have happened so far. |
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