Economic Geography
Conclusions: what geography matters for
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Economic and social geography
Conclusions: what geography matters for
Geographers have long insisted that ‘geography matters’, although they have been conspicuously unsuccessful at pinning down exactly how (e.g. Soja 1989). One way to find out is to look at what geographers can actually do. Those trained in the arts of post-cultural-turn economic geography are conspicuously poorly endowed with the skills to do much that non-insiders (to the discipline or the Empire) are likely to regard as self-evidently useful, like answer the questions The new imperial geography 231 with which this chapter began. They are, however, marvellously qualified to talk the talk of Priests or Artisans. The most influential reconstructions of economic geography have turned it at one pole into a space for aesthetic-theological contemplation, expressing wonderment at all things spatial and different, and at another into a service industry mass-producing policy licenses and credentials. The former inclines to excusing or obscuring Empire, the latter to training its functionaries. Economic geography has made itself matter as an academic corollary and component of the Empire of capital. That would not be a criticism if you don’t mind about inequality or the longer- term effects of the neo-liberal global extension of capitalism, don’t believe there’s an ‘us’ worth talking about other than your preferred group, don’t think anything can be done at any spatial scale other than to keep fingers crossed, or believe that the Empire will eventually turn out for the best. 6 But if you think economic geography should do more than play out orthodoxies, and should appeal to evidence and intellectual coherence as resources for transcending prejudice, then you will probably be looking forward eagerly to its next reinvention when another new generation arrives before too long. Notes 1. Biography: my work life has consisted of spells in office work in nationalised industry, community development, rock music, and academia (economics, urban studies, geog- raphy, planning). My current transformation into grumpy old man is related to regu- lar confirmation of the fact that while the capitalist the music industry must produce some popularly consumable use values if it is to realise any profits, the neo-liberal academic ideology and credential factory need not. 2. The New Imperialism is the subject of major debates but with the prominent exception of Harvey (2003) these have been from well beyond economic geography. Hardt and Negri (2001) drawing largely on the same inspirations as the PCTEG, offer an account which colours the Empire attractively green and red. 3. Networks became a fashionable topic in geography in the 1990s. The more sophisticated versions drew on Actor Network Theory (following Latour), which rede- fined the word ‘act’ to shed its usual connotation of intentionality (Fine 2002). Symmetry, ‘actants’ and power then turn up everywhere, but without any clear signif- icance. The fashion for networks rendered Empire unthinkable just as it was being most energetically built – through the construction of networks. 4. The other post-structuralist, but ontologically deeper, tradition in Foucault, Lacan and Derrida that suggests that the main problem is taking this ‘you’ for granted, is out of tune with this neo-liberal-friendly version, and has received much less attention in the PCTEG, though see Massey 2004. 5. ‘As if, since the economic . . . does not as it was once supposed to do, determine . . . in the last instance, it does not exist at all! (Hall 1996: 258) 6. Some combination of which seems to be the politics of the PCTEG. Download 3.2 Kb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |
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