A prep course for the month-long World Cup soccer tournament, a worldwide pheno

main to be studied . Gurevich said many documents will never be found because th

ey have been thrown away or purged . Information on Nazi arch-criminal Eichmann 

, she said , `` is almost all purged . '' The government says the Eichmann files

 were lost . Eichmann , mastermind of Hitler 's genocidal policy against Jews , 

was abducted from Argentina by Israeli agents in 1960 , tried in Israel and hang

ed . ( End optional trim ) So far , the archives have yielded no information on 

Priebke , the former Nazi now being held in southern Argentina at Italy 's reque

st . Gurevich said she had no knowledge of most other Nazis said to still be liv

ing in Argentina . Her project 's purposes are historical , she said , with no p

riority on tracking down or gathering evidence against living war criminals . ( 

Optional add end ) The Simon Wiesenthal Center in Los Angeles has proposed that 

Argentina form a special task force to look for Nazi war criminals in this count

ry . Argentine President Carlos Saul Menem recently said he thought such an inve

stigative group would be a good idea . Menem also has said that Priebke would be

 extradited `` immediately , if all the documents are in order . '' But Leonidas

 Moldes , the judge now in charge of the Priebke case , ruled in 1988 against th

e extradition of Abraham Kipp , a former SS policeman from the Netherlands who h

as lived in Argentina since 1949 and been convicted in absentia of war crimes by

 a Dutch court . Priebke has admitted that he was the second-in-command of troop

s that executed 335 Italians , including about 75 Jews , at the Ardeatine Caves 

south of Rome . But he told Argentine reporters recently that all the victims we

re Communist terrorists and were killed in reprisal for an attack that killed 33

 Nazis . In late May , after Priebke 's house arrest , the Italian Embassy asked

 Argentine authorities to take special security measures to prevent the ex-Nazi 

from escaping with the help of `` organized groups . '' Priebke , 81 , is report

ed to be deeply depressed and in poor health , with high blood pressure and an i

rregular heartbeat . It remains to be seen whether he will live to become the se

cond Nazi war criminal to be extradited from Argentina .

 The Federal Aviation Administration 's top scientist warned prior to two fatal 

airplane accidents that wake turbulence from Boeing 757 jetliners would cause a 

`` major crash '' if the agency failed to take preventive measures , internal do

cuments show . The documents reveal for the first time that experts within the F

AA itself had , before the tragedies in Billings , Mont. , and Santa Ana , Calif

. , expressed serious concerns about the potential danger to planes operating be

hind 757s . Eleven days before the Dec. 18 , 1992 Billings crash killed eight pe

ople and a year before the Dec. 15 , 1993 , Santa Ana accident claimed five live

s , chief scientist Robert E. Machol predicted a `` catastrophe '' due to 757 wa

ke turbulence at a a special meeting with the FAA 's hierarchy . Yet it wasn't u

ntil after the Santa Ana accident that FAA Administrator David R. Hinson first d

rew nationwide attention to the problem , issuing a bulletin instructing air tra

ffic controllers to routinely alert pilots to the threat posed by 757s . The pla

ne 's unique , fuel-efficient design creates invisible , `` horizontal tornadoes

 '' emanating from each wingtip that are more powerful and last longer than any 

produced by other aircraft its size . `` It 's true , '' Machol said in a recent

 interview . `` I was the first guy within the agency who got up and said we 're

 likely to have a catastrophe , a real catastrophe , probably involving a DC-9 o

r a Fokker , and lose 70 to 100 people , if we don't do something . `` I wanted 

to speak to the associate administrators because I was scared . '' The 226 pages

 of FAA letters and memorandums were obtained by the Los Angeles Times under the

 Freedom of Information Act , after officials fought their release . An FAA spok

esman said last week that the agency is investigating whether the records were w

ithheld in violation of the federal disclosure law . Sources have also provided 

the Times with documents indicating that agency officials were concerned about h

ow Machol 's warnings might be viewed . On one of Machol 's memos , an official 

jotted a cautionary note that Machol should temper his words lest someone interp

ret the document to be a `` smoking gun . '' The FAA has resisted efforts to inc

rease separation distances between 757s and tailing airplanes because it could p

otentially decrease the number of flights at airports . That could cut into reve

nues of the fiscally hobbled airline industry . Even mid-sized passenger jets su

ch as MD-80s , DC-9s and Boeing 737s , which can carry 100 passengers or more , 

can be `` rolled '' and knocked out of control when they encounter the 757 's ``

 wake vortex . '' The hazard is greatest during landing and take-off when the sm

aller plane can inadvertently fall below the 757 's flight path and find itself 

entangled in a danger zone of swirling , hurricane-force winds . Tony Broderick 

, the FAA 's associate administrator for regulation and certification , attended

 the Dec. 7 , 1992 meeting and recalls Machol `` expressing concern about wake v

ortices on a 757 , '' he said . But Machol failed to provide `` specific data ''

 to justify the agency 's immediate intervention , Broderick said . Yet when Hin

son recently announced a set of new policies on 757s including a requirement tha

t pilots of smaller planes landing behind 757s maintain a one-mile greater dista

nce it came with no new data other than the two fatal accidents and three seriou

s incidents over the past 18 months . Most of the new policies , which require a

ir traffic controllers to be more cautious when dealing with planes trailing 757

s , take effect this summer . In retrospect , Broderick acknowledged , the FAA c

ould have acted sooner . `` I think it 's certainly fair to say that these two t

ragic accidents caused us to place more emphasis on the wake vortex ( research a

nd development ) project than we had in the past , '' Broderick said . The combi

nation of the accidents , Machol 's concerns and the existing research on 757s ,

 he said , `` convinced us that there were an awful lot of holes in our knowledg

e . '' ( Optional Add End ) Leo Garodz , a former FAA manager who expressed his 

concerns about 757 wake turbulence to the FAA in 1991 as a consultant , was surp

rised to learn that Machol had raised red flags on the agency 's wake turbulence

 policies as far back as 1989 . `` They had their own guy saying the same thing 

and they still kept it quiet . That 's amazing , '' said Garodz , a former fight

er pilot who worked in the FAA 's wake turbulence program for two decades before

 retiring in 1986 . Machol , who retired from the FAA April 30 , said it was not

 unusual that his warnings went largely unheeded . `` Well , it is , in general 

, true that the FAA does not put a significant amount of time and money into som

ething until they have a tragedy , '' he said . Reflecting the sobering calculus

 that the FAA and the airline industry employ , Machol said that the 13 deaths i

n 18 months was not an alarming- enough figure to prompt drastic action . `` The

 13 ? That 's not much , really , '' he said . `` We fly about 500 million peopl

e a year in the United States , and .. . about 100 ( are killed ) , on average .

 That 's not a bad number . ''

 WASHINGTON Rep. Dan Rostenkowski 's trial on charges of fraud and embezzlement 

may be months away but many of his fellow lawmakers particularly Democrats fear 

that the public has already found the entire Congress guilty . `` No matter how 

it turns out for Rosty , we 've all been indicted in the public 's mind .. . and

 sentencing is set for Nov. 8 , '' said a House leadership aide , referring to t

he widespread concern that Congress ' latest scandal will fuel voter anger at in

cumbents seeking re-election this fall . Thomas Mann , director of governmental 

studies at the Brookings Institution , said the Chicago Democrat 's alleged misd

eeds are far from typical of the way lawmakers behave . Despite that , he said ,

 the allegations are likely to confirm the prejudices of disillusioned voters wh

o think that the very word `` Congress '' has but two synonyms : pork and corrup

tion . For worried Democrats , Rostenkowski 's indictment earlier this week on 1

7 felony counts also raises the specter of a high-profile trial that will refocu

s public attention just before congressional elections on the way they have run 

the institution . `` Congress as a whole and the Democratic leadership in partic

ular will in some ways be on trial with Rostenkowski , and that has a lot of peo

ple concerned about what will happen in November , '' said the House leadership 

aide . Some Democratic strategists are still hoping that the political damage wi

ll be minimal . Unlike the House bank scandal two years ago , when many members 

were found to have abused the free overdraft priviliges that went with their con

gressional checking accounts , the current allegations involve only Rostenkowski

 , an Illinois Democrat who is accused of defrauding taxpayers of more than $ 50

0,000 through a series of illicit transactions that allegedly included kickbacks

 , misuse of government funds and fraudulent stamps-for-cash swaps at the House 

post office . As for its repercussions in November , `` this has nowhere near th

e importance or the dimensions of the House bank scandal , where you had widespr

ead personal culpability , '' said Democratic pollster Mark Mellman . The case a

gainst Rostenkowski remains unproved . But the allegations that he padded his pa

yroll with ghost workers and that he obtained thousands of dollars worth of free

 stamps and illegally converted them into cash at the House post office are so j

uicy that Republican strategists hope to use them against all incumbent Democrat

s in the fall . While paying lip service to the notion that the deposed Ways and

 Means Committee chairman is innocent until proven guilty , the Republicans are 

already touting Rostenkowski 's indictment as proof that corruption has been all

owed to run rampant in a Democratic Congress . `` Rosty deserves the right to pl

ead innocent just like any other American but , when it comes to enforcing ethic

s in Congress , the Democrats who 've controlled the House for 40 years are guil

ty of criminal negligence , '' said Rep. Dick Armey of Texas , chairman of the H

ouse Republican Conference . Other analysts caution , however , that a strategy 

that relies too heavily on Congress-bashing and anti-incumbency could easily bac

kfire on the Republicans . `` Once you stir up anti-incumbency sentiments , it '

s very hard to steer them in a particular direction , '' said William Schneider 

, a political analyst at the American Enterprise Institute . ( Optional Add End 

) `` The risk for Republicans in raising the Rosty issue is that the public will

n't see it in partisan terms '' and that all incumbents will suffer , he added .

 The Republicans , moreover , have some ethical baggage of their own . The ranki

ng Republican on the House Appropriations Committee , Rep. Joseph M. McDade of P

ennsylvania , has been under indictment on rackteering charges for two years . I

n the Senate , Republican Bob Packwood of Oregon is being investigated by the Et

hics Committee on charges of sexual misconduct .

 SARAJEVO , Bosnia-Herzegovina In some Bosnian Serbs , the bushy-haired psychiat

rist who claims to be their political leader evokes emotions of resentment , ang

er and disgust . While the outside world sees Radovan Karadzic as the defender o

f Serbian interests in this savaged republic , many of those he claims to speak 

for condemn his nationalist course and accuse him of destroying their country . 

`` To me , he is not a president but a war criminal , '' says housewife Gordana 

Kitic , squeezing the air out of a collapsible baby bottle as she prepares to fe

ed her 3-month-old daughter . `` He represents only a minority of Serbs in Bosni

a , '' insists biology professor Ljubomir Berberovic , poking at a sheaf of stat

istics contending that a greater number of his fellow Serbs have fled the countr

y or remained loyal to the Sarajevo government . `` Who elected him ? No one . S

o why does the world accept him as our leader ? '' asks publisher Gavrilo Grahov

ac , a look of incredulity coming over his bearded face . Grahovac and other Ser

bs who reject the aggressive , segregationist course charted by Karadzic concede

 that they know very well why the world deals with the rebel leader accused of c

ommitting atrocities in pursuit of ethnically `` pure '' territory for Greater S

erbia . Regardless of whether they are legitimate representatives or renegades ,

 Karadzic and his nationalist patrons are backed by the awesome arsenal of the Y

ugoslav army . In the might-makes-right reality of the Balkans in this third yea

r of war , the voices of moderation are routinely drowned out by those whose wor

ds are punctuated with gunfire . Yet despite their lack of military clout , Bosn

ian Serbs who have refused to side with their bellicose brethren have banded tog

ether and insist on at least a peripheral role in international efforts to resol

ve Bosnia 's crisis . Grahovac and other members of a newly constituted Bosnian 

Serb Assembly have traveled to Moscow and to West European capitals to explain t

heir objections to ethnic partitioning , and some international mediators are no

w weighing their views along with those of Karadzic . `` We 've proposed to all 

the negotiators that they at least stop dealing with Karadzic as the sole repres

entative of the Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina , '' says Mirko Pejanovic , a vice p

resident of Bosnia and president of the Bosnian Serb Assembly . `` I think there

 is a growing acceptance that he does not speak for all of us . '' An inaugural 

session of the Serb Assembly in March was attended by U.S. special envoy for the

 Balkans Charles Redman , as well as by the American , British , French and othe

r ambassadors recently posted to Bosnia . Diplomats report that their government

s are in a quandary about how to deal with the rival Bosnian Serb faction , part

icularly since they find the assembly 's support for a multicultural Bosnia more

 politically palatable than the nationalists ' bloody quest for ethnic segregati

on . `` We support their views , but we have to recognize they have no power , '

' one senior Western envoy said of the loyalist Serbs . `` The reality is that K

aradzic has the weaponry and the JNA ( Yugoslav army ) behind him , which is a f

actor that cannot be ignored . '' Berberovic , who was the last rector of Saraje

vo University before education was disrupted by the Serbian rebellion against in

dependence in April 1992 , has compiled an analysis of the fate of Bosnia 's Ser

bs . He has concluded that Karadzic is supported by only a subjugated minority .

 ( Optional Add End ) His research contends that of the 1.4 million Serbs in pre

war Bosnia , at least 350,000 took refuge in Serbia , mostly to escape the hazar

ds of rebel artillery attacks against the integrated towns and cities they lived

 in . Records of the Office of the U.N. . High Commissioner for Refugees , respo

nsible for feeding and providing shelter for the displaced , suggest that this e

stimate is not far off . A report compiled by the U.N. agency late last year set

 the number of Bosnian refugees in Serbia at 322,000 , nearly all of them ethnic

 Serbs . Of the 1.2 million Bosnian refugees who scattered beyond the former Yug

oslav federation , at least one-third are thought to be Serbs . Presumably , Ber

berovic says , many fled in opposition to the nationalist attacks on their fello

w Bosnians or to escape being conscripted into the rebel army . Berberovic also 

claims that 100,000 Bosnian Serbs have been killed in rebel-held territory over 

the course of the war and that at least 150,000 Serbs remain in those areas of B

osnia still under government rule . Those figures , however , are regarded by fo

reign aid agencies and diplomats as somewhat inflated . Considering the number o

f refugees , fatalities and loyalists , Karadzic rules over only about 500,000 B

osnian Serbs , Berberovic argues . However , Sarajevo high school teacher Bozo D

jondovic notes that not all of those in government territory are remaining there

 of their own free will . `` There are a lot of people , and not only Serbs , wh

o can't wait to leave this city , '' says Djondovic , who like all adult men in 

the Bosnian capital is prevented from leaving by a wartime security order . `` I

 still wouldn't go to Karadzic 's side . My family is in Montenegro , and I woul

d go to join them in a minute if I could . It will not be much better there , bu

t it couldn't be as bad as it is here . '' After the Serb Assembly proclaimed it

s aim of restoring Bosnia 's territorial integrity and restated its commitment t

o ethnic tolerance , an anti-nationalist underground movement based in the rebel

 stronghold of Banja Luka contacted the Serbian loyalists in Sarajevo through a 

circuitous network of supporters reaching as far as Australia . `` If there are 

some brave enough to risk contacting us , we have to assume that there are a lot

 of people who don't support Karadzic but are too frightened to show any sign , 

'' says Stevo Latinovic , a Serbian journalist working for Bosnia 's government-

controlled radio .

 SARAJEVO , Bosnia-Herzegovina In some Bosnian Serbs , the bushy-haired psychiat

rist who claims to be their political leader evokes emotions of resentment , ang

er and disgust . While the outside world sees Radovan Karadzic as the defender o

f Serbian interests in this savaged republic , many of those he claims to speak 

for condemn his nationalist course and accuse him of destroying their country . 

`` To me , he is not a president but a war criminal , '' says housewife Gordana 

Kitic , squeezing the air out of a collapsible baby bottle as she prepares to fe

ed her 3-month-old daughter . `` He represents only a minority of Serbs in Bosni

a , '' insists biology professor Ljubomir Berberovic , poking at a sheaf of stat

istics contending that a greater number of his fellow Serbs have fled the countr

y or remained loyal to the Sarajevo government . `` Who elected him ? No one . S

o why does the world accept him as our leader ? '' asks publisher Gavrilo Grahov

ac , a look of incredulity coming over his bearded face . Grahovac and other Ser

bs who reject the aggressive , segregationist course charted by Karadzic concede

 that they know very well why the world deals with the rebel leader accused of c

ommitting atrocities in pursuit of ethnically `` pure '' territory for Greater S

erbia . Regardless of whether they are legitimate representatives or renegades ,

 Karadzic and his nationalist patrons are backed by the awesome arsenal of the Y

ugoslav army . In the might-makes-right reality of the Balkans in this third yea

r of war , the voices of moderation are routinely drowned out by those whose wor

ds are punctuated with gunfire . Yet despite their lack of military clout , Bosn

ian Serbs who have refused to side with their bellicose brethren have banded tog

ether and insist on at least a peripheral role in international efforts to resol

ve Bosnia 's crisis . Grahovac and other members of a newly constituted Bosnian 

Serb Assembly have traveled to Moscow and to West European capitals to explain t

heir objections to ethnic partitioning , and some international mediators are no

w weighing their views along with those of Karadzic . `` We 've proposed to all 

the negotiators that they at least stop dealing with Karadzic as the sole repres

entative of the Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina , '' says Mirko Pejanovic , a vice p

resident of Bosnia and president of the Bosnian Serb Assembly . `` I think there

 is a growing acceptance that he does not speak for all of us . '' An inaugural 

session of the Serb Assembly in March was attended by U.S. special envoy for the

 Balkans Charles Redman , as well as by the American , British , French and othe

r ambassadors recently posted to Bosnia . Diplomats report that their government

s are in a quandary about how to deal with the rival Bosnian Serb faction , part

icularly since they find the assembly 's support for a multicultural Bosnia more

 politically palatable than the nationalists ' bloody quest for ethnic segregati

on . `` We support their views , but we have to recognize they have no power , '

' one senior Western envoy said of the loyalist Serbs . `` The reality is that K

aradzic has the weaponry and the JNA ( Yugoslav army ) behind him , which is a f

actor that cannot be ignored . '' Berberovic , who was the last rector of Saraje

vo University before education was disrupted by the Serbian rebellion against in

dependence in April 1992 , has compiled an analysis of the fate of Bosnia 's Ser

bs . He has concluded that Karadzic is supported by only a subjugated minority .

 ( Optional Add End ) His research contends that of the 1.4 million Serbs in pre

war Bosnia , at least 350,000 took refuge in Serbia , mostly to escape the hazar

ds of rebel artillery attacks against the integrated towns and cities they lived

 in . Records of the Office of the U.N. . High Commissioner for Refugees , respo

nsible for feeding and providing shelter for the displaced , suggest that this e

stimate is not far off . A report compiled by the U.N. agency late last year set

 the number of Bosnian refugees in Serbia at 322,000 , nearly all of them ethnic

 Serbs . Of the 1.2 million Bosnian refugees who scattered beyond the former Yug

oslav federation , at least one-third are thought to be Serbs . Presumably , Ber

berovic says , many fled in opposition to the nationalist attacks on their fello

w Bosnians or to escape being conscripted into the rebel army . Berberovic also