Foreign relations of the united states 1969–1976 volume XXXVII energy crisis, 1974–1980 department of state washington
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- Kissinger 32. Minutes of Washington Special Actions Group Meeting
Kissinger 29. Memorandum From Director of Central Intelligence Colby to the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger) Washington, January 2, 1975. [Source: Ford Library, National Security Adviser, Kissinger– Scowcroft West Wing Office Files, Box 22, Saudi Arabia (1). Secret; Sen- sitive. 5 pages not declassified.]
On January 3, 1975, The New York Times reported that Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, in an interview with Business Week magazine shortly before Christmas, said that he could not rule out the use of force against oil-producing nations. He made clear, however, that such ac- tion “would be considered only in the gravest emergency.” “I am not saying that there’s no circumstances where we would not use force,” he said, “but it is one thing to use it in the case of a dispute over price; it’s another where there is some actual strangulation of the industrialized world.” Asked about the interview, Kissinger remarked: “I have said it would not come to that point, and that the oil problem would be dealt with by other methods,” but he reiterated that “there’s no circum- stances where we would not use force.” The December 23 Business Week interview was reprinted in Department of State Bulletin, January 27, 1975, pp. 97–106. The Embassy in Saudi Arabia reported that King Faisal and the Saudi Government were “disturbed” by the “threatening implications” of the statements that Kissinger made during the Business Week inter- view. A Royal adviser told Ambassador James Akins: “This represents a complete change in American policy and we must therefore revise 365-608/428-S/80010 August 1974–April 1975 109 our own policy toward the United States.” Akins responded that there was “no change” in U.S. policy and that he “had made the same state- ments” himself in a Foreign Affairs article 2 years before. He also re- minded the adviser that he had declared, both publicly in the United States and privately in Saudi Arabia, that “invasion would be madness but when countries are reduced to desperation they take ‘mad’ ac- tions.” To help alleviate Saudi concerns, Akins requested additional in- formation from the Department or a message from the Secretary. (Tele- gram 32 from Jidda, January 4; National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy Files, D750004–0636) The Ambassador sent another telegram the following day in- forming the Department that Minister of Petroleum Sheikh Ahmad Yamani told him that the King was “depressed and worried by ‘Amer- ican threats’ against Saudi Arabia.” Yamani also said that he had never seen the King “so worried and so questioning of his relationship with the United States.” Later that day, the King himself told Akins that he was “extremely disturbed” by the “series of ‘American threats’ against Saudi Arabia” that culminated in the Business Week interview. As for the prospect of occupying the Saudi oil fields, Yamani said that doing so would be “very difficult,” that the fields could be “sabotaged easily,” that a “‘quick surgical operation’ would be impossible,” and that the result would be the “loss of Saudi production for years.” Akins believed, however, that Saudi officials would “calm down” once they digested the Arabic translation of the complete text of Kissinger’s state- ments. That said, he also thought that the Kingdom would be “stirred up again” when the next newspaper or magazine article reported that the United States proposed occupying Saudi Arabia or any other oil-producing country. (Telegram 67 from Jidda, January 5; ibid., D750004–0773) On January 8, the Department instructed Akins to tell the Saudi Government that the question about military action “arose with spe- cific relation to oil prices,” and that the Secretary “made it clear that we did not consider military action to be an appropriate response to oil prices.” The Department also instructed the Ambassador to point out that the question itself was a hypothetical one regarding a “deliberate attempt” by oil producers to “strangle the industrialized world”—the “gravest emergency”—which Kissinger said did not apply to the “present situation,” adding that he “did not foresee such a situation arising.” The Department told Akins to point out that Kissinger never mentioned the possibility of an invasion of Saudi Arabia in particular, and that he had highlighted the “importance of maintaining the rela- tionship of friendship between Saudi Arabia and the US.” (Telegram 1955 to Jidda; ibid., D750004–0717) Kissinger replied personally in a note to Prince Sultan regarding the Business Week interview (telegram 7266 to Jidda, January 11; ibid.,
365-608/428-S/80010 110 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXXVII P850106–2309), a gesture for which the Prince expressed “deep appreci- ation.” Sultan also said that he hoped that the Secretary’s note, and a similar note from President Ford to King Faisal (telegram 7265 to Jidda, January 11; ibid., P850106–2304) would result in “calming passions” in other Arab capitals. (Telegram 283 from Jidda, January 14; Ford Li- brary, National Security Adviser, Presidential Country Files for Middle East and South Asia, Box 29, Saudi Arabia—State Department Tele- grams to SECSTATE–NODIS (3)) Although U.S.-Saudi tensions over the interview had dissipated by mid-January, Yamani warned Akins that the Saudi National Guard “had orders to prepare to blow up certain sensitive sections of the Saudi oil fields and to fire certain wells should there be concrete plans to invade and occupy them.” Yamani added that “there had been inter-Arab discussion on the matter and any invasion would be fol- lowed by cutoff of all Arab oil.” (Telegram 251 from Jidda, January 13; ibid., P850106–2311) 31. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassies in the OPEC Capitals 1 Washington, January 13, 1975, 1757Z. 7457. Subject: Secretary’s Message to OPEC Governments. Ref: Doha 0021 (Notal); Abu Dhabi 0047 (Notal). 2 Beirut pass Baghdad for action. 1 Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy Files, D750013–0012. Confidential; Exdis. Drafted by George Q. Lumsden (NEA/ARP); cleared by Katz and in NEA, EB, ARA, and EUR; and approved by Sisco. Sent to Abu Dhabi, Doha, Tripoli, Bei- rut, and Quito, and repeated to Algiers, Caracas, Jakarta, Jidda, Kuwait, Lagos, and Tehran.
2 In telegram 21 from Doha, the Embassy reported that Issa Kawari, Qatar Minister of Information, Chief of the Emir’s Office, and Acting Foreign Minister, asked “about press reports that Secretary had sent letters to five oil producing countries concerning proposed producer/consumer conference” and “expressed personal disappointment that Qatar did not rpt not receive letter.” (Ibid., D750006–0211) In telegram 47 from Abu Dhabi, the Embassy reported increasing concern that the Department was “not doing enough to give UAEG timely briefings” on “developments in U.S. policy that are of vital concern” to the UAE. The Embassy also requested “guidance which could become basis for oral briefing” to the Ministers of Petroleum and Foreign Affairs. (Ibid., D750007–0654) 365-608/428-S/80010 August 1974–April 1975 111 1. On Dec 24, Secretary sent letters to seven OPEC governments 3 (those listed as info addressees to this cable) which included outline of possible timetable and approach to multilateral producer/consumer conference. This proposal stemmed from agreement reached between Presidents Ford and Giscard d’Estaing during their Dec 14–16 meetings in Martinique. Secretary has, since that time, sent no rpt no subsequent messages on this subject to other OPEC governments. (N.B. At its dis- cretion, Embassy Doha may wish to set record straight with Kawari: neither Qatar nor UAE was an original recipient of Secretary’s letter.) 2. However, as result attention media have given Secretary’s mes- sage and in awareness of sensitivities of other OPEC states such as those noted in reftels, action addressees are, at their discretion, author- ized to make oral approach to their host governments at appropriately high level and to leave following aide-me´moire: 3. Following standard opening: “Ever since the start of the energy crisis and the Washington Energy Conference, many governments, in- cluding the United States, have felt that it would be useful at the right time and with the right preparations to supplement the intensive bilat- eral consultations that now exist between oil producing and oil con- suming countries with some form of multilateral dialogue. 4. “Recent discussions between the United States and France in Martinique resulted in an agreement on a possible timetable and ap- proach to such multilateral contacts, a proposal which has now been endorsed by the members of the International Energy Agency. Under this approach there would be a four phase schedule: first, basic deci- sions by the consumers on conservation, development of new sources of energy and financial solidarity; second, a meeting among repre- sentatives of producers and consumers to discuss the procedures and agenda for a conference; third, intensive preparation of common posi- tions for that conference; and fourth, the conference itself. 5. “Particular stress has been placed on the need for major energy and financial decisions by the consuming countries in advance of the proposed conference because a failed conference would be seriously detrimental to all, consumers and producers alike. That is also a view expressed by many representatives of producing countries, who have repeatedly stressed the importance of conservation of energy, the de- velopment of new sources, and financial stabilization. 6. “Although preparation among consumers is thus necessary in advance, it should be stressed that the objective is cooperation, not con- frontation. It is not intended that all contacts between producers and consumers be conducted as a bloc to bloc dialogue. On the contrary, the 3 See Document 27. 365-608/428-S/80010 112 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXXVII United States would like to strengthen its bilateral contacts with oil producing governments over the coming months so that cooperative efforts to solve the international oil crisis can be made more effective. 7. “President Ford is now completing a series of major decisions on domestic energy policy. These decisions will be announced in January. They are expected to make a significant contribution to the solution of the world energy problem. 8. “Over the coming months, the Government of the United States looks forward to keeping in close contact on these issues with the gov- ernments of OPEC states.” Complimentary close. 9. Please report host government reactions.
1 Washington, January 14, 1975, 10:42 a.m.–noon. SUBJECT Middle East PARTICIPANTS Chairman—Henry A. Kissinger State CIA Robert Ingersoll William Colby
William Clements Lt. Gen. Brent Scowcroft Jeanne W. Davis JCS Gen. George S. Brown [Omitted here is discussion unrelated to oil. For this first portion of the minutes, see Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, volume XXVI, Arab- Israeli Dispute, August 1974–December 1976, Document 126.] [Secretary Kissinger:] We need a contingency assessment of what happens in an Israeli-Arab war if the Russians want to play it rough. Have the Russians the capability of launching missiles with high explo- 1 Source: Ford Library, National Security Council, Institutional Files, Box 24, WSAG Meeting Minutes, January 1975. Top Secret; Sensitive; Codeword. The meeting took place in the White House Situation Room. 365-608/428-S/80010 August 1974–April 1975 113 sive warheads from Syrian territory? Suppose they wanted to raise the ante during a war? Mr. Colby: They could. Secretary Kissinger: The Russians have never played up to their full capability in a crisis. Suppose they do. Mr. Clements: The Israelis, after they have had time to think about it, wouldn’t be too excited about F-4s in Saudi Arabia. They would be a stabilizing influence. It’s possible the Russians would move into Iraq. The most excited person would be the Shah. Secretary Kissinger: The Shah may not like it, but he is manage- able. He’s nothing like the Israelis. Mr. Clements: I think the Shah would go up the wall. Mr. Colby: The Shah would think he could control the situation through us. Secretary Kissinger: Bill’s (Clements) argument might carry weight with the Shah but not the Israelis. There would be no chance of selling it to them, but that doesn’t mean we shouldn’t consider doing it. If we face the total oil embargo of the West, we have to have a plan to use force. I’m not saying we have to take over Saudi Arabia. How about Abu Dhabi, or Libya? Mr. Clements: We want to get you over to the JCS think tank. [2 lines not declassified] Gen. Brown: [1 line not declassified] Secretary Kissinger: You’d have trouble convincing Faisal. Mr. Colby: He doesn’t have to know. Secretary Kissinger: I was joking. Faisal would be thrilled by F-4s. Mr. Clements: We can do it [less than line not declassified]. Secretary Kissinger: Maybe. Why not Abu Dhabi? Mr. Clements: They have no reserves and no production facilities. Mr. Colby: You’re talking about providing oil to Europe and Japan, not the US. Mr. Clements: [1 line not declassified] Mr. Ingersoll: Iran has a lot. Mr. Clements: That’s a different horse. Secretary Kissinger: We’re talking about something that hopefully won’t last more than six months to a year. If we assume that Iranian supplies would continue and we concentrate on one country, which one should it be? Mr. Clements: Saudi Arabia. Mr. Colby: [2 lines not declassified] Mr. Clements: [2 lines not declassified]
365-608/428-S/80010 114 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXXVII Mr. Ingersoll: How long would it take to restore the facilities if they were destroyed? Mr. Colby: Three months. Secretary Kissinger: They won’t destroy them. Mr. Ingersoll: Did you see the Yamani telegram? 2 Secretary Kissinger: Yamani has the Americans psyched. Mr. Colby: It could isolate Saudi Arabia from the Arabs. Secretary Kissinger: (to Mr. Clements) I’ll come over and look at your material. (to Gen. Scowcroft) Arrange it for next week. Mr. Colby: May I come? Mr. Clements: Sure. Secretary Kissinger: We will have to have an NSC meeting on that subject. Mr. Colby: When? I would like to get the Russian estimate done before the meeting. Secretary Kissinger: Can you get it done by the end of next week. We won’t have an NSC meeting for two weeks. Mr. Colby: We can try. Mr. Clements: (to Secretary Kissinger) I need to talk to you about POL. We’re roughly 10 million barrels short in our storage facilities. We have located plus or minus 18 million barrels of storage scattered around in the Mediterranean, Singapore, etc. It is strategically located and we can rent it on a short-term lease for about a year. We need badly to get those filled. Secretary Kissinger: How much are we down? Mr. Clements: Our normal storage is 93 million barrels—we have 83 million. We have never recovered to the pre-hostilities rate. Secretary Kissinger: What will it cost to fill them up? Mr. Clements: Plenty; around $350 million. We need to ask the Congress for it. We have to make them understand the possibilities and their responsibilities. Secretary Kissinger: I will raise it with the President tomorrow morning. Mr. Clements: Great. 2 Presumably telegram 251 from Jidda; see Document 30. 365-608/428-S/80010 August 1974–April 1975 115 33. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in France 1 Washington, January 15, 1975, 0512Z. 9370. Subject: Presidential Letter. For the Ambassador. Please de- liver the following letter from President Ford to President Giscard d’Estaing at the earliest opportunity on January 15 and in any event prior to noon Washington time. 2
Dear Mr. President: This Wednesday, in my State of the Union Address, I will formally present policies to meet the economic and energy challenges which are of major importance to the United States and to the international com- munity.
3 I shall, at that time, make a number of detailed proposals, many of which I outlined in my speech to the American people on Monday night. 4 I write you in the spirit of collaboration that animates our relations to share my thoughts on these new measures. Our countries and our key trading partners have recently been struggling with unemployment, inflation, and energy shortages. There are, as we know, no easy answers to any of these problems, singly or in combination, but it is clear that we cannot afford to address one aspect of our difficulties while ignoring the others. Moreover, each country must act to achieve a balance consistent with its priorities and its partic- ular economic circumstances while recognizing it must act in a manner which furthers rather than harms the economic well-being of other countries. My policies aim to deal directly with the economic slowdown we now face without triggering the major inflationary pressures which might result from an overly expansionary policy. A tax cut, along with measures to stimulate investment, should reinvigorate the U.S. economy and improve confidence. Under present conditions we be- lieve it will not restimulate the inflationary spiral. 1 Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy Files, P840083–0869. Se- cret; Niact; Immediate; Nodis; Cherokee. Drafted in the White House. 2 In telegram 1131 from Paris, January 15, the Embassy reported that, since Giscard was at a Council of Ministers meeting all morning, Ford’s letter was delivered to the Deputy Secretary General. (Ibid., P850038–2604) 3 The text of the address, which the President delivered on January 15, is in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Gerald R. Ford, 1975 , pp. 36–46. The President followed up the speech by sending “an omnibus energy bill,” the 13-part Energy Inde- pendence Act of 1975, to Congress on January 30. See ibid., pp. 136–138. 4 On January 13, President Ford addressed the nation on his programs to address the nation’s economic problems and the energy crisis. See ibid., pp. 30–35. 365-608/428-S/80010 116 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXXVII We are also taking major steps to reduce our dependence on im- ported oil. We are determined to reduce oil imports promptly and sig- nificantly and to end vulnerability to economic disruption by foreign suppliers by 1985. Immediate actions to cut energy imports and to in- crease both our domestic supplies and our ability to use our coal, gas, oil and nuclear power are clearly necessary as are strong measures to ensure adequate conservation and a new emergency storage program. [illegible text] make new demands on the American people. [illegible text] time, they provide the basis for a stronger U.S. economy in the fu- ture. This, in turn, should have a beneficial impact on the international economy. In closing, let me emphasize the importance I have attached to having had the benefit of your views on these issues during our meeting in Martinique. We are strongly committed to working with your government and others in confronting our common problems. While much remains to be done, we are encouraged by the positive steps which have been taken recently. For our mutual well-being, it is imperative that we continue developing a common approach in dealing with energy problems and that we continue to coordinate closely in confronting our economic difficulties. I look forward to staying in close touch with you on these impor- tant issues. 5 Sincerely, Gerald R. Ford His Excellency Valery Giscard d’Estaing President of the French Republic Paris
5 Ford sent the same letter to Schmidt and Wilson. (Telegram 9369 to Bonn, January 15; National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy Files, P850014–1483 and telegram 9371 to London, January 15; ibid., P840083–0885) 365-608/428-S/80010 August 1974–April 1975 117 34. Memorandum From Robert Oakley of the National Security Council Staff to Secretary of State Kissinger 1 Washington, January 20, 1975. SUBJECT Economic Impact of Mid East Crisis—A WSAG Issue and Need for Formal Follow-Up One of the issues on the approved agenda for last week’s WSAG meeting on the Middle East 2 was the whole realm of possible economic ramifications of a new Middle East crisis and what steps could be taken to minimize the effects of Arab action in the economic (oil) sphere. In the absence of in-depth discussion of this issue at the WSAG, Deputy Secretary of State Ingersoll and Deputy Secretary of Defense Clements both believe that some form of follow-up action is necessary. Deputy Secretary Ingersoll has asked NEA (at Tab A) 3 to take the lead in a follow-up study and to involve EB, S/P and other agencies such as CIA and Treasury. I see two problems with this approach: (a) There is no mention of involving NSC or DOD; (b) Treasury was not involved in the WSAG exercise. Deputy Secretary Clements (at Tab B) 4 has suggested that you re- quest appropriate agencies to address the economic issues or that the NSC lead a study which would involve all of the relevant agencies. Cle- ments’ letter also contains some constructive observations on the vari- ous substantive issues. 1 Source: Ford Library, National Security Adviser, “Outside the System” Chrono- logical Files, Box 1, 1/10/75–1/21/75. Secret; Nodis; Sensitive. Sent for action. Colonel Clinton E. Granger of the NSC Staff concurred. Sent through Scowcroft. 2 See Document 32. 3 Not attached. Ingersoll asked for a follow-up study to consider “what the Arabs could do with regards to oil prices,” a boycott, and “the manipulation of their financial holdings abroad.” He requested that the study examine “the effects such actions could have on the U.S. and other countries, what we could do about such moves, and the steps we need to take to prepare for such a crisis.” (Memorandum from Pendleton to Atherton, Enders, and Lord, January 16; Ford Library, National Security Adviser, “Outside the System” Chronological Files, Box 1, 1/10/75–1/21/75) 4 Not attached. Clements sought to explore the “possible economic measures, short of war, that might be utilized to ease the economic/financial situation arising before or during an Arab oil embargo.” He explained that such measures “might be designed to: 1) Make an Arab oil embargo less likely; 2) Limit its scope; and 3) Limit its effects, should it occur.” Attached to Clements’s memorandum is a Department of Defense background paper that outlines the “economic options available to the U.S., Western Europe, and Japan” that would help achieve the three goals Clements listed. He concluded that such options “would be most effective if taken long before an embargo begins and would also greatly increase the effectiveness of other U.S. and allied options after an embargo is im- posed.” (Ibid.)
365-608/428-S/80010 118 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXXVII In view of the interest in and the importance and sensitivity of this issue, you may wish to recommend that the NSC chair an inter-agency study on the economic issues of a possible Middle East conflict, as a follow-up to the WSAG meeting. Alternatively, you could have such a study done by the Under Secretaries Committee. In either case, the study should be completed within three weeks’ time. In the interim, no action should be taken on various contingency measures without your explicit approval. We assume that State, NSC, DOD and CIA—the original WSAG participants—should be involved in this matter. You may or may not wish to include Treasury or the Federal Energy Agency in this particu- lar follow-on study. Recommendation: That you agree to a formal follow-on study on the economic aspects of a Mid East conflict by indicating your preference for the following: 5 Agree with study under the USC Agree with study chaired by NSC in inter-agency framework Prefer original WSAG participants only Add Treasury Add FEA
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