Handbook of psychology volume 7 educational psychology
Conclusions and Provocations for the Field
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- Developmental Processes
- Theory Building
- Research Methods and Designs
- References 253
Conclusions and Provocations for the Field 251 1991) and social-emotional competencies such as the ability to experience empathy and interpersonal trust (see Grusec & Goodnow, 1994) are well-documented correlates of com- pliance with—if not internalization of—socially valued goals. Other factors such as students’ beliefs regarding the fair- ness, relevance, and developmental appropriateness of teach- ers’ goals and expectations also need to be investigated in this regard (e.g., Smetana & Bitz, 1996). Finally, social informa- tion processing skills that determine which social messages and cues are attended to, how they are interpreted, and how they are responded to are a critical component of socially com- petent behavior (Crick & Dodge, 1994). These skills have been widely researched in the area of peer relationships; extending our knowledge of their influence to the realm of teacher- student relationships and adaptation to classroom contexts is a necessary next step in research on school adjustment.
If the achievement of socially valued goals is accepted as a critical component of school adjustment, investigations of appropriate goals and expectations also must be conducted within a developmental framework, taking into account the age-related capabilities of the child. Issues of developmen- tally appropriate practices have been addressed primarily at the level of preschool education. However, a consideration of developmental issues is critically important for students of all ages. To illustrate, Grolnick (Grolnick et al., 1999) argues that children face normative motivational challenges as they make their way through school; issues of social integration define the transition to school, the development self-regulatory skills and positive perceptions of autonomy and competence define the elementary years, and flexible coping and adaptation to new environments mark the transitions into middle and high school. The undertaking and mastery of these developmental tasks as they relate to school activities need to be incorporated into definitions and models of school adjustment and recog- nized as core competencies that children need to achieve as they progress through their school-aged years. A developmental focus also is necessary for understanding the demands on teachers of students of different ages. Re- searchers (e.g., Brophy & Good, 1974; Eccles & Midgley, 1989) have observed that teachers treat students differently and focus on different tasks and goals depending on the age of their students. At this point, we do not know if changing developmental needs of students or normative and societal expectations for children at different ages drive these differ- ences. However, if we are to understand the nature and requirements of school adjustment, a critical look at the abili- ties of children at different ages as well as the normative requirements for competent classroom functioning is neces- sary. Systematic longitudinal and experimental research is needed to tease apart the relative contributions of children and teachers to patterns of classroom behavior and student- teacher interactions that appear to change across the elemen- tary, middle school, and high school years. Theory Building As noted throughout this chapter, theoretically based models of school adjustment are not well developed. In particular, the role of context as it interacts with individual differences and psychological processes needs careful and systematic consid- eration. First, models need to address the possible ways in which children and the various social systems in which they develop—including home, peer groups, and schools— interact to create definitions of school-related competence (see Bronfenbrenner, 1989). In this regard, models that incor- porate lay theories of what it means to be successful and be- liefs concerning how success is achieved are essential (see Ogbu, 1985; Sternberg & Kolligian, 1990). How these beliefs change as children develop and ways in which they con- tribute to children’s developing school-related goal hierar- chies should be a primary target of researchers’ efforts. Models of socialization also need to be developed with spe- cific types of social relationship configurations in mind (e.g., dyads vs. groups, friendships vs. acquaintanceships) and per- haps modified depending on whether the relationships are with parents, peers, or teachers, and whether the target student is in elementary, middle, or high school. Similarly, the impact of other social context factors such as gender, race, and culture need to be incorporated into the model. Continued research on classroom reward structures (Ames, 1984), organizational culture and climate (Maehr & Midgley, 1991), and person- environment fit (Eccles & Midgley, 1989) also can inform our understanding of how the social institutions and contexts within which learning takes place can motivate children to learn and behave in very specific ways. Theoretical considerations of school adjustment also must continue to focus on underlying psychological processes and skills that promote the development and display of adjustment outcomes. For example, researchers have clearly established significant and powerful links between prosocial and socially responsible behaviors and academic accomplishments. What have not been identified, however, are the psychological un- derpinnings of these behaviors. Research on skills and strate- gies involved in emotion regulation (Eisenberg & Fabes, 1992), self-regulated learning (see the chapter by Schunk & Zimmerman in this volume), social information processing (Crick & Dodge, 1994), and goal coordination (Wentzel, 252 School Adjustment 1991b, 2002b) might be particularly fruitful in determining the degree to which multiple aspects of school adjustment (e.g., prosocial behavior, academic performance) reflect a core set of psychological and emotional competencies as well as the degree to which social behaviors themselves contribute directly to learning outcomes.
Our current understanding of school adjustment is based pri- marily on correlational studies of white middle-class children. Correlational strategies have resulted in a wealth of data that can serve as a strong foundation for further theory building and research. However, continued investigations in this area would profit from extending these simple correlational de- signs to incorporate ethnographic as well as experimental components. For instance, understanding what constitutes school adjustment in a classroom or broader school setting re- quires in-depth conversations with and extensive observations of students and teachers as they carry out their day-to-day lives at school. In addition, identifying ways to promote school adjustment requires careful, systematic long-term in- tervention studies. Although such projects are rare (cf. Schaps et al., 1997; Solomon et al., 1992), ongoing research involving experimentation and evaluation of progress is essential if we are to identify strategies and experiences that will improve the lives of students in significant ways. In addition to design considerations, researchers also need to focus on more diverse samples. Although it is likely that the underlying psychological processes that contribute to school adjustment are similar for all students regardless of race, ethnicity, gender, or other contextual and demographic variables, the degree to which these latter factors interact with psychological processes to influence adjustment outcomes is not known. For instance, goal coordination skills might be more important for the adjustment of children from minority backgrounds than for children who come from families and communities whose goals and expectations are similar to those of the educational establishment (e.g., Fordham & Ogbu, 1986; Phelan et al., 1991). Peer relationship skills might be especially important for adjustment in schools where peer cultures are particularly strong or where collabo- rative and cooperative learning is emphasized. Achieving a better understanding of such interactions deserves our full at- tention. Similarly, definitions of competence and adjustment are likely to vary as a function of race, gender, neighborhood, or family background. Expanding our database to include the voices of underrepresented populations can only enrich our understanding of how and why children make successful adaptations to school. REFERENCES Alexander, K. L., Entwisle, D. R., & Dauber, S. L. (1993). First- grade classroom behavior: Its short- and long-term consequences for school performance. Child Development, 64, 801–814. Allen, J. D. (1986). Classroom management: Students’ perspectives, goals, and strategies. American Educational Research Journal, 23, 437– 459. Ames, C. (1984). Competitive, cooperative, and individualistic goal structures: A cognitive-motivational analysis. In R. Ames & C. Ames (Eds.), Research in motivation in education (Vol. 1, pp. 177–208). New York: Academic Press. Ames, C. (1992). Classrooms: Goals, structures, and student moti- vation. Journal of Educational Psychology, 84, 261–271. Ames, C., & Ames, R. (1984). Systems of student and teacher moti- vation: Toward a qualitative definition. Journal of Educational
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