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part of the "iceberg" of the political and socio-


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part of the "iceberg" of the political and socio-
economic basis of the system of Soviet society 
began to surface. Due to the permanent drop in 
economic indicators, the planned five-year plans 
for the development of the national economy, 
both at the level of the entire country and at the 
republican level, were not implemented, which 
clearly indicated the impending economic crisis. 
At the same time, in order to get out of the current 
situation, the economic mechanism was 
experimentally changed on the go by inertia. 
Against the general background of the changes 
taking place throughout the country, in 
Uzbekistan many production teams were 
transferred to self-financing or brigade 
(collective) 
contracts. 
However, 
such 
scientifically unsubstantiated methods of socio-
economic transformations did not and could not 
give positive changes. The root of the main 
reasons for this lay in: 
- firstly, in the still persisting totalitarian system 
with well-established administrative-command 
methods of management; 
- secondly, in the fact that many decisive sectors 
of the economy were subordinate to the union, 
bypassing the system of government of the 
republic and deductions to the republican budget; 
- thirdly, in the absence of direct economic 
dependence of the producer on the consumer. 
All this taken together led Uzbekistan, as well as 
other union republics, and the country as a whole, 
to that period of economic stagnation, in which it 
was acutely felt that the system had already 
exhausted its possibilities in the further 
development of the economy using the previous 
methods. 
Realistically assessing and realizing all the 
complexity of the situation in the country, the 
central authorities of the USSR made every 
attempt to equalize the situation. In particular, to 
strengthen the role of centralized government of 
the country, a new Constitution of the USSR was 
adopted in 1977. In the new format of the Basic 
Law of the country, Article 6 was introduced, 
proclaiming the Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union as the leading and guiding force of Soviet 


1400 
society, the core of its political system. The third 
article of the Constitution also received its birth, 
which stated that the principle of democratic 
centralism is the basis for organizing the 
activities of the Soviet state [3]. All this meant 
that any violation of the party line at the 
republican level could be assessed as anti-party, 
anti-Soviet and anti-state activity. 
A new stage in attempts to radically change the 
political 
and 
socio-economic 
situation, 
associated with the coming to power in the 
country in 1985, the seventh leader of the Soviet 
state - M.S. Gorbachev. The beginning of the 
stage of perestroika, acceleration, glasnost and 
democracy is associated with his name. 
The pre-crisis state of society in which the 
country found itself forced the new "leader" of 
the USSR to look for ways to renew it. The 
modernization of the system was started without 
changing the model of social development. The 
complex of reforms and the processes associated 
with them are called "perestroika". The essence 
of the perestroika changes manifested itself, first 
of all, in the proclamation of a new political 
thinking, in which first the foreign and then the 
domestic policy in the country was revised from 
the class prism of vision to the prism of universal 
human interests. 
The first stage of the perestroika processes in the 
country's domestic policy began in the spring of 
1985 with an attempt to "accelerate" the pace of 
socio-economic development. However, the lack 
of expected results prompted the transition to the 
second stage of economic reforms. It began in the 
summer of 1987. It was associated with the 
transition from predominantly administrative 
methods of leadership to economic ones, with the 
democratization of public life. However, these 
transformations were notable for half-
heartedness, compromises between ideas about 
the socialist economic system and new 
approaches. The third stage began in 1988, when 
the question of changing the political system of 
society was first raised. The main reason for the 
failure of the reforms was called the "braking 
mechanism", the resistance of the administrative-
command apparatus.
Despite the measures taken, the situation on a 
national scale and, especially at the republican 
level, remained critical. In particular, the average 
annual gross product decreased in Uzbekistan 
from 3.4% in 1981-1985. up to 2.75% in 1986-
1990 [4]. The rate of growth of labor productivity 
has decreased, the indicators of the use of fixed 
production assets have worsened. It was only 
possible to expand the cooperative form of 
ownership, cooperatives became the harbingers 
of entrepreneurship. The situation in the agar 
sector also remained critical. The administrative-
command activity of the Central Committee of 
the 
CPSU, 
subjected 
Uzbekistan 
to 
specialization in the development of cotton 
monoculture in a single system of the "national 
economic complex" of the country. This policy 
was carried out without taking into account the 
potential economic opportunities of the republic 
with its rich natural resources. This led to the fact 
that the economy of Uzbekistan was formed as a 
hypertrophied raw material. The consequence of 
all this was that in terms of the growth rate of the 
national income produced and, accordingly, the 
social security of the family, Uzbekistan 
occupied only 12th place among the fifteen union 
republics. 
The profoundly ill-considered actions of the 
central authorities led not only to stagnation of 
the economy, to a drop in the living standards of 
workers, but also to another terrible disaster, to 
an ecological catastrophe, the most striking 


1401 
manifestation of which was the tragedy of the 
Aral Sea. 
By the mid-1980s, the situation throughout the 
Soviet space was becoming more and more 
critical. The political and socio-economic crisis 
that gripped the Union State forced the 
leadership of the central authorities to look for a 
way out of this situation. The previously adopted 
marathon measures aimed at improving the 
political and socio-economic situation began to 
slip openly. All this was to blame for the 
remaining totalitarian system in the country with 
established administrative-command methods of 
management. 
As a result of the current situation, under 
pressure from the republics, laws of the USSR 
were adopted aimed at reducing the influence of 
the center, which testified to the growing 
tendencies of independence. This ultimately led 
to an intensification of the actions of centrifugal 
forces, when the union republics openly began to 
show their unwillingness to obey the launch units 
from the central authorities. 
Taking into account the seriousness of the 
growing crisis situation, which became an open 
threat to the further fate and existence of the 
Union State, the central government urgently 
resorted to searching for the reasons for 
economic failures in shortcomings and 
"miscalculations" in the personnel policy of the 
national republics. With the aim of allegedly 
straightening out the existing deformations in 
management at the local level, various 
functionaries, the so-called "personnel landing", 
were sent to Uzbekistan. Having occupied key 
positions in the party, Soviet and judicial bodies 
of the republic, they unleashed a real terror. Not 
only leaders of party organizations were 
persecuted, but also representatives of science, 
industry and the creative intelligentsia of 
Uzbekistan. All this led to an open infringement 
of the national interests of the republic. 
Moreover, in order to raise the authority of the 
central government of the country, the CPSU 
Central Committee decided to organize a 
demonstration process of combating corruption. 
In this regard, in order to compromise the 
political leadership at the republican level in all 
the mistakes made, Uzbekistan was among the 
first to be chosen as such an object. In order to 
unleash a corruption case at the republican level, 
in 1987 the so-called “cotton case” was 
fabricated. To conduct this case, a "personnel 
landing" of the investigative-prosecutor's group 
headed by T. Gdlyan and N. Ivanov was landed 
in Uzbekistan. This turned into a new wave of 
repression against the innocent workers of the 
agricultural sector of the Uzbek economy. It is 
also paradoxical that in order to denigrate local 
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