Naked Economics: Undressing the Dismal Science pdfdrive com
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Naked Economics Undressing the Dismal Science ( PDFDrive )
matter how much an insurance company charges for its policies. At any given
price—even $5,000 a month—the individuals who expect their medical costs to be higher than the cost of the policy will be the most likely to sign up. Of course, the insurance companies have some tricks of their own, such as refusing coverage to individuals who are sick or likely to become sick in the future. This is often viewed as some kind of cruel and unfair practice perpetrated on the public by the insurance industry. On a superficial level, it does seem perverse that sick people have the most trouble getting health insurance. But imagine if insurance companies did not have that legal privilege. A (highly contrived) conversation with your doctor might go something like this: DOCTOR : I’m afraid I have bad news. Four of your coronary arteries are fully or partially blocked. I would recommend open-heart surgery as soon as possible. PATIENT : Is it likely to be successful? DOCTOR : Yes, we have excellent outcomes. PATIENT : Is the operation expensive? DOCTOR : Of course it’s expensive. We’re talking about open-heart surgery. PATIENT : Then I should probably buy some health insurance first. DOCTOR : Yes, that would be a very good idea. Insurance companies ask applicants questions about family history, health habits, smoking, dangerous hobbies, and all kinds of other personal things. When I applied for term life insurance, a representative from the company came to my house and drew blood to make sure that I was not HIV-positive. He asked whether my parents were alive, if I scuba dive, if I race cars. (Yes, yes, no.) I peed in a cup; I got on a scale; I answered questions about tobacco and illicit drug use—all of which seemed reasonable given that the company was making a commitment to pay my wife a large sum of money should I die in the near future. Insurance companies have another subtle tool. They can design policies, or “screening” mechanisms, that elicit information from their potential customers. This insight, which is applicable to all kinds of other markets, earned Joseph Stiglitz, an economist at Columbia University and a former chief economist of the World Bank, a share of the 2001 Nobel Prize. How do firms screen customers in the insurance business? They use a deductible. Customers who consider themselves likely to stay healthy will sign up for policies that have a high deductible. In exchange, they are offered cheaper premiums. Customers who privately know that they are likely to have costly bills will avoid the deductible and pay a higher premium as a result. (The same thing is true when you are shopping for car insurance and you have a sneaking suspicion that your sixteen-year-old son is an even worse driver than most sixteen-year-olds.) In short, the deductible is a tool for teasing out private information; it forces customers to sort themselves. Any insurance-type situation ultimately raises one explosive question: How much information is too much? I guarantee that this will become one of the most nettlesome policy problems in coming years. Here is a simple exercise. Pluck one hair from your head. (If you are totally bald, take a swab of saliva from your cheek.) That sample contains your entire genetic code. In the right hands (or the wrong hands), it can be used to determine if you are predisposed to heart disease, certain kinds of cancer, depression, and—if the science continues at its current blistering pace—all kinds of other diseases. With one strand of your hair, a researcher (or insurance company) may soon be able to determine if you are at risk for Alzheimer’s disease—twenty-five years before the onset of the disease. This creates a dilemma. If genetic information is shared widely with insurance companies, then it will become difficult, if not impossible, for those most prone to illness to get any kind of coverage. In other words, the people who need health insurance most will be the least likely to get it—not just the night before surgery, but ever. Individuals with a family history of Huntington’s disease, a hereditary degenerative brain disorder that causes premature death, are already finding it hard or impossible to get life insurance. On the other hand, new laws are forbidding insurance companies from gathering such information, leaving them vulnerable to serious adverse selection. Individuals who know that they are at high risk of getting sick in the future will be the ones who load up on generous insurance policies. An editorial in The Economist noted this looming quandary: “Governments thus face a choice between banning the use of test results and destroying the industry, or allowing their use and creating an underclass of people who are either uninsurable or cannot afford to insure themselves.” The Economist, which is hardly a bastion of left-wing thought, suggested that the private health insurance market may eventually find this problem intractable, leaving government with a much larger role to play. The editorial concluded: “Indeed, genetic testing may become the most potent argument for state-financed universal health care.” 5 Any health care reform that seeks to make health insurance both more accessible and more affordable, particularly for those who are sick or likely to get sick, will have devastating adverse selection problems. Think about it: If I promise that you can buy affordable insurance, regardless of whether or not you are already sick, then the optimal time to buy that insurance is in the ambulance on the way to the hospital. The only fix for this inherent problem is to combine guaranteed access to affordable insurance with a requirement that everyone buy insurance—healthy and sick, young and old—a so-called “personal mandate.” The insurance companies will still lose money on the policies that they are forced to sell to bad risks, but those losses can be offset by the profits earned from healthy people who are forced to buy insurance. (Any country with a national health care system effectively has a personal mandate; all citizens are forced to pay taxes, and in return they get government-funded health care.) This is the approach that Massachusetts took as part of a state plan to provide universal access to health insurance. State residents who can afford health insurance but don’t buy it are fined on their state tax return. Hillary Clinton supported a personal mandate in the 2008 Democratic presidential primaries; Barack Obama did not, though that arguably had more to do with distinguishing himself from his toughest Democratic opponent than it did with his analysis of adverse selection. Obviously, forcing healthy people to buy something that they would otherwise not buy is a heavy-handed use of government; it’s also the only way to pool risk (which is the purpose of insurance) when the distribution of risk is not random. When the Obama Administration passed the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare), the most unpopular part of the legislation was the personal mandate, which required that all Americans buy health insurance or face a fine. The irony is that Democrats did not come up with the idea of mandatory health insurance; conservatives did—decades earlier as a tool for protecting private insurance markets from adverse selection. The ACA offers reasonably affordable insurance coverage to all Americans, even those who are already sick or at a high risk of becoming so. That is an admirable goal, but it invites abuse. As noted earlier, if anyone can buy insurance at any time—sick or healthy—the most sensible time to buy insurance is after getting a nasty diagnosis. Mandatory health insurance is a way to ensure that there are enough healthy people paying into the system to fund care for those who are sick. When Mitt Romney, a Republican, passed health care reform in Massachusetts—long before Obamacare—the plan included a personal mandate. Here are the relevant economics: (1) We know who is sick; (2) increasingly we know who will become sick; (3) sick people can be extremely expensive; and (4) private insurance doesn’t work well under these circumstances. That’s all straightforward. The tough part is philosophical/ideological: To what extent do we want to share health care expenses anyway (if at all), and how should we do it? Those were the fundamental questions when Bill Clinton sought to overhaul health care in 1993, and again when the Obama administration took it up in 2009. The Trump Administration repealed the personal mandate component of the ACA in 2017, leaving the rest of the legislation intact. It’s not clear what the long-term impact will be on private health insurance. This chapter started with the most egregious information-related problems— cases in which missing information cripples markets and causes individuals to behave in ways that have serious social implications. Economists are also intrigued by more mundane examples of how markets react to missing information. We spend our lives shopping for products and services whose quality we cannot easily determine. (You had to pay for this book before you were able to read it.) In the vast majority of cases, consumers and firms create their own mechanisms to solve information problems. Indeed, therein lies the genius of McDonald’s that inspired the title of this chapter. The “golden arches” have as much to do with information as they do with hamburgers. Every McDonald’s hamburger tastes the same, whether it is sold in Moscow, Mexico City, or Cincinnati. That is not a mere curiosity; it is at the heart of the company’s success. Suppose you are driving along Interstate 80 outside of Omaha, having never been in the state of Nebraska, when you see a McDonald’s. Immediately you know all kinds of things about the restaurant. You know that it will be clean, safe, and inexpensive. You know that it will have a working bathroom. You know that it will be open seven days a week. You may even know how many pickles are on the double cheeseburger. You know all of Download 1.74 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |
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