Pankaj tandon

the barbarians who murdered Antiochus 

III Magnus during his attempted raid to 

plunder the shrine of Bel in the Elymean 

Hills.

Isidore of 

Charax

Stathmoi 

Parthikoi

c.25-1 BC

Names the area beyond Sakastene as 

Paraitakene. Thus Seistan or modern 

Baluchistan seems to have become the 

territory of the Pāratas by this time.

Pliny

Natural 

History VI, 

116 and 131

c.1

st

 century 

AD

Locates the territory of the ‘Paraetaceni’ 

between the Parthi and the Ariani. Thus 

the Pāratas seem at this time to be located 

somewhere on the borders of modern 

Afghanistan and Iran, in the Herat area.

Periplus

c.1

st

 century 

AD

Locates the territory of the ‘Paradon’ 

beyond the Ommanitic region, that is, on 

the coast of modern Baluchistan.

Ptolemy

Geographike 

Hyphegesis

2

nd

 century 

AD

Identifi es the interior of Gedrosia as 

‘Paradene’, thus placing the Pāratas in the 

interior of Baluchistan. Refers to a town 

named Paradabathra on the west bank of 

the Indus river.

Naqsh-i-Rustam 

inscription

Time of 

Shapur I 

262 AD

Names P’rtu as one of the provinces of the 

empire, between Makran and Hindustan, 

i.e., in eastern Baluchistan. Since the 

Pārata king is not named by al-Tabari as 

one of the rulers who submitted to Ardeshir 

I, it appears that Shapur may have been 

the one to subjugate the Pāratas.

Paikuli 

inscription

Time of 

Narseh

293-302

Names the Paradanshah as one of the 

royals who congratulated Narseh on his 

defeat of Vahran III.

Mahabharata

? 

Several references to the Pāradas as a 

foreign people ‘beyond’ the Sindhu, i.e., 

living to the west of the river Indus.

Ramayana

? 

Also refers to the Pāradas along with other 

tribes in the west.

Mahamayuri

? 

Mentions Parāsara as the yaksha in the 

land of the Pāratas.

Brihatsamhita

? 

Locates the Pāratas in the west.

Source: Summarized from B.N. Mukherjee, op. cit., pp. 35-52.

We know that the coins of the Pāratarājas are found in Baluchistan. If all of the references 

discovered by Mukherjee do indeed refer to the Pāratas, we may infer the following history. 

The Pāratas were a tribe originating in the 7th century BC in what is now north-western 

Iran, northern Iraq, or even eastern Turkey, perhaps more or less corresponding to the areas 

NEW LIGHT ON THE PĀRATARĀJAS

31

inhabited today by the Kurds.

35

 The historical references point to a migration that proceeded 

in fi ts and starts. Alexander encountered them in the area of Bactria and Sogdiana. In the late 

fi rst century BC, Isidore of Charax has them in the region of Seistan. By the fi rst century 

AD, the Periplus places them on the coast of Baluchistan, and, fi nally, in the second century, 

Ptolemy locates them in the interior of Baluchistan. Indian sources of around this time, such 

as the Mahabharata and the Ramayana, also place the Pāratas roughly in this area, west of 

the river Indus. This location appears to be confi rmed by Sasanian inscriptions referring to 

the Pāratas, which suggest that they came under Sasanian domination around the time of 

Shapur I, in the middle of the third century AD. The only source who appears to contradict 

this timetable of migration is Pliny the Elder who, writing in the fi rst century AD, places 

the Pāratarājas between the Parthi and Ariani, hence in the Herat region. However, Pliny’s 

source, whoever it was, may well have lived several centuries before his time.

From this historical reconstruction, the earliest date at which the Pāratas are placed 

anywhere in Baluchistan is the end of the fi rst century BC, and the date at which they are 

placed specifi cally in the interior of Baluchistan, which is where the coins are found, is the 

second century AD. Thus I would conclude for the time being that the most reasonable date 

for the Pāratarāja coins under examination is some time in the fi rst to second centuries AD.

7. Metrology, design and dating of the coins

Of the 81 coins known for this series, I have the weights for 80. The one missing coin 

is Mukherjee’s coin no. 5, the Shortt collection coin originally published by Rapson, and 

excluded from Senior’s Indo-Scythian catalogue. The 80 weights form a reasonable sample 

to examine the metrology of this series. Table 8 presents the average weights of coins of 

different denominations, in grams, arranged by ruler. I have excluded two coins from this 

analysis: T48 and T49, which, at 0.52g and 0.73g, might belong to a different denomination 

than the other eight fractional coins in the sample.

Table 8: Average Weights of different coin denominations, by ruler

Didrachms

Drachms

Hemidrachms

Quarter drachms

No. Avg. Wt. No.

Avg. Wt

No.

Avg. Wt

No.

Avg. Wt

Yolamira

5

3.76

14

1.81

5

0.88

Arjuna

6

3.71

11

1.75

Kagha

1

1.67

Hvaramira

1

7.53

4

3.59

Mirahvara

1

6.76

8

3.62

9

1.76

2

1.01

Miratakhma

7

3.53

Uncertain

1

3.88

2

1.69

1

0.81

All

2

7.15

31

3.65

37

1.77

8

0.90

35

 Today’s Baluchis are also said to have migrated out of this area, and it is curious to note that the Baluchi and 

Kurdish languages are closely related. According to Harrison, the Baluchi language ‘is classifi ed as a member 

of the Iranian group of the Indo-European language family, which includes Farsi (Persian), Pushtu, Baluchi, and 

Kurdish. Baluchi is closely related to only one of the members of the Iranian group, Kurdish’: see Selig S. Harrison, 

In Afghanistan’s Shadow: Baloch Nationalism and Soviet Temptations (Washington: Carnegie Endowment for 

International Peace, 1981). One naturally wonders therefore if the Baluchis are in some sense or other descendants 

of the Pāratas.

PANKAJ TANDON

32

It is clear from the table that the coins form a very coherent metrological picture. The 

numbers fully justify their classifi cation into four (possibly fi ve) denominations: didrachms 

with an average weight of 7.15g (1.96 times the average drachm weight), drachms with 

an average weight of 3.65g, hemidrachms with an average weight of 1.77g (48.6% of the 

average weight of the drachms), and quarter drachms or trihemiobols with an average weight 

of 0.90g (24.8% of the average weight of the drachms). If the last two fractional drachms 

(T48 and T49) were included with the other quarter drachms, the average weight would 

fall to 0.85g (23.2% of the average weight of the drachms). However, viewed as a separate 

denomination, these two coins average 0.63g in weight. This average is 17.1% of the average 

weight of the drachms, which would put them quite close to the expected 16.7% of obols. I 

am inclined to believe that these two coins were indeed intended to be obols, especially as 

they are the only coins in the sample that do not carry the ruler’s portrait on them. The obols 

would form the fi fth denomination.

A number of factors seem to connect these coins most closely to Parthian coinage. The 

fabric of the coins most closely resembles that of early Parthian coins, such as those of 

Arsakes I and II. In particular, the fl ans of the Pāratarāja coins are slightly convex on the 

obverse and slightly concave on the reverse. Sellwood had pointed out how early Parthian 

coins had this property.

36

 Further, the pattern of denominations also seems to suggest an early 

Parthian model. Although drachms were issued by practically all the Parthian sovereigns, 

only some early ones issued fractional denominations. On the basis of Sellwood’s listing of 

Parthian coins, we see that hemidrachms were issued by four rulers: Mithradates II, Orodes 

I, Phraates III and Orodes II, covering the period between 123 and 38 BC. According to 

Sellwood, Mithradates I (171-138 BC) issued triobols, diobols and obols; Phraates II issued 

obols, and Orodes II (57-38 BC) issued diobols and obols.

As we noted in the previous section, there is another factor that connects the Pāratarājas 

to the early Parthians. Strabo, in his Geography, refers to the ‘Paraitakenoi’ as subject to the 

Parthians in the late 3rd century BC. Arguably, these ‘Paraitakenoi’ are none other than the 

Pāratas, and the dating places them as Parthian subjects precisely at the time of Arsakes I 

and II.

On the basis of these parallels with early Parthian coinage, the Pāratarāja coinage discussed 

here might reasonably be dated to the fi rst or second century BC. However, the metrology 

itself does not agree with such an early date. At the time of Arsakes I and II, the weight of 

the Parthian drachm was approximately 4.1g. This is the weight offered by Mitchiner,

37

 and 

is confi rmed by the average weight of recorded examples in the Fred Shore collection.

38

 The 

average observed weight of Pāratarāja coins of 3.65g is thus considerably lower.

To try to determine the point of time at which the weight of the Parthian drachm had 

fallen to 3.65 gm., I looked at all the coins in the Shore collection and plotted the average 

drachm weights. There were a total of 330 coins in the sample, which is presumably fairly 

representative. The plot of the weights, and the trend line,

39

 are presented in Figure 8. The 

chart shows clearly the decline in the average weight of the Parthian drachm, from a high 

of around 4.1g at the time of Arsakes I (c.225 BC) to around 3.5g at the end of the dynasty 

some 450 years later. The trend line reaches 3.65g around the time of Vardanes I (AD 40-45). 

36

 D.G. Sellwood, Parthian Coins (London, Pardy & Son, 1980), p. 9.

37

 Michael Mitchiner, Oriental Coins and their Values: The Ancient and Classical World (London, Hawkins 

Publications, 1978), p. 107.

38

 Fred B. Shore, Parthian Coins and History: Ten Dragons against Rome (Quarryville, PA, Classical Numismatic 

Group, 1993). The average weight of two specimens of Arsakes I drachms is 4.15 g, and of the two specimens of 

Arsakes II 4.10 g.

39

 The trend line was simply the second-order polynomial offered by Excel.

NEW LIGHT ON THE PĀRATARĀJAS

33

Indeed, because of the considerable fl uctuation in the average weight of the Parthian drachm 

from ruler to ruler, a weight of 3.65g for the Pāratarāja drachm is consistent with the Parthian 

coinage at any time from around 50 BC to AD 200. 

Figure 8: Average Weights of Parthian drachms in the Shore Collection

Konow (see n. 24 above in section 3 on the name Yolamira) dated the potsherds found in 

Loralai to c.150, largely on grounds of the letter-forms and the use of the title Shahi, which 

he said had been revived by Kanishka. If Konow is correct, and considering that Yolamira is 

chronologically the fi rst among the fi ve Pāratarāja kings whose coins we have, the date for 

the Pāratarāja coins would be c.150-200. This places the coins at the very end of the period 

suggested by the metrology. Their rather unusual fabric, similar to early Parthian coins of 350 

years earlier, remains unexplained.

It is worth noting here a putative connection between the 

Pāratarāja coins and the 

silver drachms of the Indo-Parthians issued in Seistan. Although the fabric and style of 

the Seistan drachms is not similar to the Pāratarāja coins, might their weight standard be 

linked. Mitchiner

40

 lists the notional weight of the silver drachms issued by all rulers from 

Gondophares to Sanabares as a reduced Attic standard of 3.7g. If this is correct, the standard 

would fi t neatly with that of the Pāratarāja coins. To test this, I tabulated the weights of the 

6 Seistan drachms provided by Mitchiner, the weights of all 24 Seistan drachms reported by 

Senior in his Indo-Scythian catalogue,

41

 and those of 11 coins in my own collection, giving 

data on a total of 41 coins. The results are given in Table 9, in which the rulers are arranged 

in the order suggested by Senior in his review of the Seistan coinage.

42

 Coins assigned by 

Mitchiner to Gondophares, surnamed ‘Sah’, have been assigned to Sases as suggested by 

Senior.

40

 Michael Mitchiner, Indo-Greek and Indo-Scythian Coinage, Volume 8: The Indo-Parthians (London, Hawkins 

Publications, 1976), pp. 727-31 and 775-8.

41

 Robert C. Senior, op. cit., Volume II, pp. 148-84.

42

 Senior, op. cit., Volume I, pp. 112-13.

PANKAJ TANDON

34

Table 9: Weights of Seistan drachms of the Indo-Parthians (grams.)

Avg Mitchiner

Senior

Tandon

Gondophares

3.46 3.97 3.27 3.16 3.57 3.76 3.19 3.71 3.85 3.24 2.98 3.31

Orthagnes

3.34 3.18

3.59 3.38

3.20

Sases

3.42 3.20 2.71 3.84 3.62 3.38

3.78

Ubouzanes

2.97

2.59 3.18

3.14

Abdagases

2.86

3.74 2.15 3.52 3.01 2.28

2.89 2.46

Sanabares

3.47

3.55 3.77 3.75 3.54 3.15

3.04

Pakores

3.18 2.24

3.76

3.22 3.49

Group Average 3.28

The table shows that the average weight of the Seistan drachms is signifi cantly lower 

than the 3.7g notional weight suggested by Mitchiner and the 3.65g average weight of the 

Pāratarāja drachms. The average of the 41 coins turns out to be 3.28g. The range of weights 

is rather large, from a low of 2.15g to a high of 3.97g. By comparison, the range of weights 

for the 26 Pāratarāja drachms in our sample is 2.96 – 4.13g, with an average of 3.65g. Thus 

the Pāratarāja drachms seem to be signifi cantly heavier than the Seistan drachms, and the 

metrological link between these two groups seems somewhat tenuous.

Although the fabric and metrology of the Pāratarāja coinage seems to indicate a Parthian 

connection, there are nevertheless several signs of strong Indian infl uences on the coinage as 

well. The use of the swastika, the overall design involving a central symbolic element along 

with a circular legend, and the use of patronymics all have strong parallels in Indian coinages 

of the time. I consider each of these in turn, especially with a view to what they can tell us 

about the likely date of the Pāratarāja coins.

The swastika was a widely used symbol, not only in India but in many other parts of the 

world. Swastikas have been found in ancient sites ranging from Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa 

to Sumeria, ancient Egypt and many Greek sites.

43

 On coins, there are some swastikas on 

Greek coins,

44

 but swastikas were common only in India, where their earliest appearance 

seems to be on the punchmark coinage of various ancient janapadas, such as Kashi and 

Kosala. This use would date to the 5th or 4th century BC, as it pre-dates the conquest of 

Kosala by Magadha. Swastikas continued to be used at various times by various dynasties 

through the ensuing centuries. They appear in the Magadha-Maurya series and are widely 

prevalent in the cast copper coinage of the succeeding Sunga dynasty and also in the coinage 

of the Satvahanas and of Ujjain.

In the north-west, swastikas occur on the city coinages of Pushkalavati and Taxila, dating 

to the second century BC. They are absent from the Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek coinage, 

and also from most of the Indo-Scythian coinage. The coins of the very last Scythian rulers, 

however, Rajuvula and his son Sodasa, did feature swastikas. These were probably from 

mints in Jammu and Mathura, and date to the early part of the fi rst century AD. Finally, 

swastikas were a constant element in the coinage of the Kunindas, who ruled in northern 

India in the foothills of the Himalayas from the late 2nd century BC to some time late in the 

1st century AD.

43

 Savita Sharma, Early Indian Symbols (Delhi, Agam Kala Prakashan, 1990), pp. 60-78.

44

 Swastikas are featured on a few coins of Syracuse, Leucas, Corinth and Ionia: see Leo Anson, Numismata 

Graeca: Greek Coin-Types Classifi ed for Immediate Identifi cation (London, K. Paul, 1910).

NEW LIGHT ON THE PĀRATARĀJAS

35

Swastikas next make a prominent appearance in the late second to early third century in 

the coinage of the Kushan king Vasudeva I. Towards the later part of his reign, his Peshawar 

coinage begins to feature the swastika as an ancillary symbol. This practice was continued by 

the Kushano-Sasanian coinage that followed in that region.

Thus we see that swastikas were widely used on coinage in north-western India, and their 

use by the Pāratarājas indicates a clear, albeit slight, affi nity to Indian, rather than Parthian, 

coinage. However, the use of the swastika spanned such a long period that its presence on the 

Pāratarāja coinage does not greatly help in dating it.

Turning next to the overall design of the coins, we see infl uences from both the Persian 

and Indian spheres. The canonical form of Parthian coinage had on the obverse a bust left 

within a dotted border (no legend),

45

 and on the reverse a seated king with a legend around in 

a rectangular arrangement. Thus the obverse of the Pāratarāja coinage seems to be similar to 

the Parthian prototype; however, the reverse, with its central symbolic element (the swastika) 

and circular legend, does not match the Parthian pattern.

Although the connection between the Pāratarāja coinage and that of Seistan seemed tenuous 

at best, there are some hints of an affi nity with some other Indo-Parthian coins.

46

 Senior’s 

types 204, 207, 212, 244, 255, 257, and 258 all have obverse busts of a style very similar to 

the busts on the Pāratarāja coins; Senior has identifi ed most of these types as issuing from 

Arachosia. Type 207 is particularly interesting, as it has not only a bust of similar style but 

also a reverse consisting of a central symbolic element surrounded by a legend. Although 

Senior’s coin is not legible enough to read, Joe Cribb has informed me

47

 that he has seen 

another specimen of that type which clearly reads Gadana. Coins of Gadana are associated 

with Orthagnes and Ubouzanes; in fact, Senior assigns them to Orthagnes. Thus this coin 

must be later than Gondophares, but earlier than Sasan, placing it late in the fi rst century.

48

 

This gives another piece of evidence to help fi x the date for the Pāratarāja coinage.

The most obvious comparison group for the Pāratarāja coinage, however, is that of the 

Western Kshatrapas. Although the Western Kshatrapa coinage seems to have been on a 

different weight standard, the design of these coins closely matches those of the Pāratarājas. 

Western Kshatrapa silver coinage featured on the obverse a bust right, surrounded by a mostly 

blundered circular legend in Greek,

49

 and on the reverse a central symbolic element (typically 

a crescented three-arched hill, with river below and sun and moon above) surrounded by a 

circular Brahmi legend.

50

 Thus, apart from the fact that the Pāratarāja coinage has dispensed 

with an obverse legend entirely, these two coinages seem closely linked in overall design.

A further affi nity between the coinages of the Pāratarājas and the Western Kshatrapas is 

the use of patronymics in both. As far as I know, patronymics were never used in Parthian 

coinage. There were a few isolated uses in India, for example, a unique bronze coin of 

Artemidoros, which names him as the son of Maues.

51

 There are also some coins of the Indo-

45

 In addition, there are a few coins with front-facing busts and a very few with right-facing busts.

46

 My thanks to Joe Cribb for calling my attention to these coins.

47

 Personal communication by email, 9 February 2006.

48

 Senior would date it early in the fi rst century, as he dates Gondophares earlier than most other historians.

49

 The obverse circular legend in Greek was a holdover from the ample Graeco-Bactrian, Indo-Greek and successor 

Saka coinage that had been issued in Bactria and south of the Hindu Kush, including the Punjab, for the previous 

several centuries.

50

 The reverse design seems to loosely follow the coinage of the Audambaras and Kunindas, dating probably from 

the 1st century BC.

51

 The coin carries a Kharoshthi legend that reads Rajatirajasa Moasaputrasa Artemidorasa; see R.C. Senior and 

D. MacDonald, The Decline of the Indo-Greeks (Athens, Hellenic Numismatic Society, 1998), p. 55.

PANKAJ TANDON

36

Parthian ruler Abdagases which name him as the son of Gondophares’s brother.

52

 And there 

is a single bronze coin of the Kushan king Huvishka, naming him as the son of Kanishka.

53

 

In neither of these cases, however, did the use of the patronymic become a regular feature of 

the dynastic coinage.