Silver in Iran’s Early Modern State-building
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Conclusion: These salary system temporarily created an embryonic middle-class changed the social hold of a landed feudal lords, it was not a bourgeoisie as these were maily administrators and soldiers. Beyond the elite many less prominent members of the khassa profited from the silver imports and the cash flow created by the silk trade. The perfect example but it exists for administrative posts as well is the pay of the army, with a major officer like the generals having such salaries that Mohammad beg sought reform by having these cut down, to the last soldier being paid in cash. It is once again Chardin who gives us a description of how the soldiers and artisans of the household were paid by the treasury of the royal household. He writes that under Abbas I, the Royal Household had a ghulam force of ten thousand men, although further Chardin gives this number as twelve thousand under Abbas II. This army was, however, greatly diminished under Shah Safi, and even more so under Abbas II, who when he ordered a general review saw the same men and the same horses march in front of him ten to twelve times . Either the shah or the provincial governors paid the soldiers and their descendants as a gratification, whether there was a war or not, whether they ever even served or not. Young boys are entered in the payroll at age two, for the sum of half a Tuman per year. When there was a possibility of service because of a vacancy in the army they are presented to the general or if there is no vacancy they have to be presented to the shah, who alone has the power to create a new wage. This wage is established in perpetuity for the new soldier and his descendants. When the soldier died someone from his family immediately replaced him. The Huguenot traveler says that the wages were high , but it was the love of luxury 24 which destroyed the army. A soldier in the cavalry was given 400 livres, but he would spend twice that much on his clothing. Infantry was paid 250 francs or livres yearly. 89 All soldiers remained in their own houses until there is a war. He also notes that in time of war the soldiers are given only arms and ammunition but no provisions are provided except for their pay in cash. 90 In conclusion, yes, there was silver hording in the royal treasury and yes three was a flight of silver and a silver trade to India, but imported silver played a major role in state-building in seventeenth century Iran. Silver was important within Iran, a role that has been invisible to foreign observers and that can only be traced through the Persian sources.
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31 sixty four kasbeki; and on the other he, by this means, keeps the kingdom from being too full of uncurrent and cry’d down money Copper money - to which Olearius referred in the last passage - was frequent yet restricted to local use: Coins were minted by each gouvernate, they had full value for one year within the gouvernate and a value of 50% outside. Each February the coinage had to be returned to be newly minted - remaining coins could only expect to circulate at half of their origial value - a practice which came close to a tax on copper money - a money which was hence avoided by merchants and international traders. Bigger sums were from the 1500s until the 1900s noted in toman (or tuman) - a mere unit of account matching an unstable quantity of gold. (First toman coins of 8,2 g came to be minted in 1209 AH/ 1794 AD under Aka Mohammed Kha.) The unit of the 17th and 18th centuries had to be redefined periodically – probably also to pay respect to the fluctuations of the gold silver ratio: 50 silver abbasi (of an only relatively stable silver content) had to match the gold toman. Information about the value of the toman is difficult to get. According to some web sources the toman equalled 3 pounds, 7 shillings in the early 17th century, 2 pounds, 6s. 8d. in 1678, and 2 pounds, 4 s. in the early 18th century Silver money dominated the market with the abbasi, first minted under Abbas I as the leading coin. Information about the abbasi is somewhat incoherent. The article Stephen Album, L. Bates, and Willem Floor presented in the Encyclopædia Iranica, vol. 6 ("Coins and Coinage,") portrayed the orginial abbasi as a coin of 9.3 g weight (silver of the highest purity) and introduced a second abbasi of 7.7 g as a coin of lower value which sometimes dominated the production and which sometimes lost its position when the old standard of 9.3 g was reintroduced. The period around 1700 returned, so the authors implied here, to the orginal 9.3 g abbasi-standard. In his The Economy of Persia (2000) Willem Floor quotes Stephen Album with the following table of Persia's silver coins - we add an additional column for silver equivalents of the toman (of 50 abbasi) - the 9.3 g or 9.2 g Abbasi is missing here; the table tells the story of a simple devaluation, see table in The Economy of Safavid Persia (2000), p.72. 1 Raphaël du Mans (1660), fol. 67. This translation is my own, based on the 1660 edition. 2 Muzzafar Alam, and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, eds. The Mughal State. Dehli : Oxford University Press, 1998.p.7. 3 Baghdiantz McCabe, Ina. The Shah’s Silk for Europe’s Silver: The Eurasian Trade of the Julfa Armenians in Safavid Iran and India (1530-1750). Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1999. 4 See the first pages arguing this about Safavid Iran in Willem Floor A Fiscal History of Iran in the Safavid and Qajar Period, 1500-1925. New York: Bibliotheca Persica Press, 1999. 5 Here as in Baghdiantz McCabe (1999), I agree with Sanjay Subrahmanyam and his argument that the only way to view these reforms in Iran and the Mughal state is through state-building. See introduction in Muzzafar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam eds (1998). 6 Baghdiantz McCabe (1999). 7 See bibliography for books on slavery in I slam and also the joint book in the note below. 8 Babaie S., Babayan K., Baghdiantz McCabe I., Farhad M., Slaves of the Shah: New Elites of Safavid Iran. London: I. B. Tauris 2004. 9 Avary, P./ Fragner, G./ Simmons, J. B., "Abbasi," Encyclopædia Iranica, vol. 1, Winona Lake, IN, 1985. 10 For coinage and equivalences at the beginning of the century, see: Steensgaard, Niels, p.420. For the value of Safavid dinärs 1510-1718, see The Cambridge History of Iran: vol. 6 p.566. 11 http://pierre-marteau.com/wiki/index.php?title=Money_(Persia) 12 Olearius also goes on to remark that there were all sorts of local coinage circulating in Safavid Persia mostly, but not silver, brass money and copper coins: “There is this remarkable as to the brass money, that every city hath its particular money and mark, which is changed every year, and that such money goes only in the place where it was made. So that upon their first day of the year, which begins on the vernal equinox, all the brass money is cry’d down and the mark of it is changed. The ordinary mark of it is a stag, a deer, a goat, a satyr, a fish, a serpent, or some such
32 thing. At the time of our travels, the kasbeki were marked at Isfahan with a lion, at Scamachie with a devil, at Kaschan with a cock, and in Gilan with a fish. The king of Persia, on the one side, makes a great advantage by this brass money, inasmuch as he pays for a pound of this metal, but an Abbas, which amounts to about eighteen pence, and he hath made of it sixty four kasbeki; and on the other he, by this means, keeps the kingdom from being too full of uncurrent and cry’d down money.See Annexe below. 13 Matthee, R. “Politics and Trade in Late Safavid Iran: Commercial Crisis and Government Reaction under Shah Sulayman (1666-1694). Unpublished Ph. D. diss., U.C.L.A., 1991. 14 8 silver larins= 1gold 80 silver larins = tümäns or 200 ‘abbäsïs 1 gold(abstract measure) = 5 ‘abbäsïs. 15 Adam Olearius The Voyages and Travels of the Ambassadors, pp. 299-300 16 Baghdiantz McCabe, Ina ( 1999) 140-145. 17
CARSWELL, p. 78. 18 Baghdiantz McCabe, Ina. The Shah’s Silk for Europe’s Silver: The Eurasian Trade of the Julfa Armenians in Safavid Iran and India (1530-1750). Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1999. And “Silk and Silver: The Trade and Organization of New Julfa at the End of the Seventeenth Century.” Revue des Études arméniennes n. s. 25 (1994- 1995): 389-415. 19 Paris,1981, Tome II, p. 94. 20 Ibid. The original reads: “Ainsi tout l’or et l’argent de Perse vient des pays étrangers, et particulièrement de l’Europe comme je l’ai remarqué au chapitre des monnaies. Depuis le règne de Chah Abbas I jusqu’a celui de de Chah Abbas II, on voyaait plus d’argent dans la Perse qu’on le voit presentement; et les marchands arméniens l’apportaient de l’Europe en Perse ou on les réduisait en Monnaies du pays. Mais depuis quelques années, ils n’apportent plus que des ducats et des sequins comme étant des espèces plus portatives.” 21 Stephen Frederic Dale Indian Merchants and Eurasian Trade, 1600-1750. (Cambridge, 1994) and Scott Levi “ The Indian Merchant Diaspora in Early Modern Central Asia and Iran.” (Iranian Studies 32, 4, 1999):483-513. 22 There has been some serious effort to study the coinage and the mints of Safavid Persia by Willem Floor and Rudloph Matthee. There has been some serious effort to study the coinage and the mints of Safavid Persia by Willem Floor and Rudloph Matthee. Floor, Willem M./ Faghfoory, Mohammad Hassan, The first Dutch-Persian commercial conflict. The attack on Qeshm Island, 1645 (Costa Mesa, Calif.: Mazda Publishers, 2004). There has been some serious effort to study the coinage and the mints of Safavid Persia by Willem Floor and Rudloph Matthee. Matthee, Rudi, "The Safavid Mint of Huwayza; The Numismatic Evidence" in Andrew Newman (ed.), Society and Culture in the Early
Worsening of the Late Safavid Coinage: the Mint of Huwayza", Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Volume 44, Number 4 (Brill Academic Publishers, November 2001), 505-539. Floor, Willem M., The economy of Safavid Persia (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2000). Album, Stephen/ Bates, L./ Floor, Willem, "Coins and Coinage," Encyclopædia Iranica, vol. 6 (Winona Lake, IN, 1993). Avary, P./ Fragner, G./ Simmons, J. B., "Abbasi," Encyclopædia Iranica, vol. 1 (Winona Lake, IN, 1985). 23 See Baghdiantz McCabe (1999) for this and also Sussan Babaie, Kathryn Babayan, Ina Baghdiantz McCabe, and Massumeh Farhad Slaves of the Shah: New Elites of Seventeenth Century Safavid Isfahan , (
2004), chapter 2. 24 See Baghdiantz McCabe (1999) for this. 25 For this see chapter 5 in Baghdiantz McCabe (1999) and “Silk and Silver: The Trade and Organization of New Julfa at the End of the Seventeenth Century” Revue des Etudes Arméniennes. n. s. 25 (1994- 1995) 245-272..
33 26 The farmäns or decrees in this book were unpublished, but most farmäns are published in Ter Yovhaean©, Yarutiwn Patmutiwn Nor Ju¬ayi. [A History of New Julfa] (New Julfa, 1880&1980) Vol I&II.. Also see in three volumes Hagop a azian , Persidskiye
Shahs issued for Armenians] (Erevan, 1956, 1959). Many of the Waqfs and taxations decrees concerning the Armenian churches are in this work. 27 It is also called Provinces in opposition to the private department, which is yet another way of describing the khasseh.. This terminology is used in the commentary to the Tadhkirat al-Mulûk in
Minorsky, V. Tadhkirat al-Mulûk , A Manual of Safavid Administration. Gibb Memorial Series, vol. 16. London, 1943, p. 174. refered to as TM in further notes. 28 Steinmann, Linda. “Shah Abbas and the Royal Silk Trade.” Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1986. see chapter two for the list of scholars arguing this and Steinmann’s own position. 29 As discussed further it as the English factors who wanted all the silk taken by ship to London. 30 Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Paris 1981, Tome I, Chapitre 12,, p. 191. The original reads: “Car on est obligé en entrant dans le royaume, soit a Erivan soir a Tauriz ou on bat monnaie, de declarer tout l’argent qu’on porte pour être fondu et battu au coin du roi, à peine d’une grosse amende aux contevenants si on peux les découvrir. Mais si les affaires d’un marchand ne lui permettent pas d’arreter ni à Erivan ni à Tauris, et qu’il lui soit plus commode de porter son argent à la monnaie d’Isphahan, il n’a qu’à prendere un billet du maitre de la monnaie d’Erivan ou de Tauris par lequel il atteste comme il a fait duement sa declaration.” 31 Matthee, Rudi, "The Safavid Mint of Huwayza; The Numismatic Evidence" in Andrew Newman (ed.), Society and Culture in the Early Modern Middle East (Leiden: E.J Brill, 2003), pp. 265-291. 32 Ina Baghdiantz McCabe. “Silk and Silver: The Trade and Organization of New Julfa at the End of the Seventeenth Century.” (Revue des études arméniennes 25 1994-95):389-419. See also Matthee(2000),p.115. 33 Ortelius made an earlier now forgotten atlas in 1564. Atlas Theatrum Orbis Terrarum . [Editio princeps].[Colofon:] Auctoris aere & cura i mpressum absolutumque apud Aegid. Coppenium Diesth, Antverpiae xx Maii M.D.LXX. Met 53 kaarten in kopergravure, in 1 perkamenten band ; 39,5 x 29,5 cm. Burger, Geographie en reizen p. 5 [1]; Koeman, Atlantes Neerlandici, Ort 1A; Sijmons, Catalogue of atlases 239. Deze eerste editie werd door het Koninklijk Nederlands Julfa is cited as Chinla in map 49 of A. Ortelius, Theatrum orbis terrarum. Antwerp. 1570. First cited by Edmund Herzig The Rise of the Julfa Merchants”, in Safavid Persia Charles Mellville ed. (Tauris press, 1996): 304-319. 34 Perhaps since they were silk traders and silk was associated to China, or perhaps because of Marco Polo’s accounts. 35 H. Inalcik, “Bursa and the Silk Trade”, An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire (Cambridge, 1997), vol. 1, pp. 218-55. 36 For Saru Taqi’s position and why he can be seen as a ghulam see Slaves of the Shah and for governosrship of the provinces see Röhrborn, pp. 172-204. 37 Numbers cited in Rudi Matthee (2000) p.76, the calculations are the author’s the original sources which are Arakel and Iskandar Munshi use different measurements. 38 For a preliminary first discussion of this and the first political analysis of the silk trade see Linda Steinman chpter 3. 39 Chardin (1724; reprint, 1927), p. 132. 40 Sanjay Subrahmanyam, C.A.Bayly,, “Portfolio capitalists and political economy of early modern India”. “ The Indian Economic and Social History review, 25, 4 (1988):401-424. 41 see Ina Baghdiantz McCabe (1999) and chapter 2 on the economic role of the ghulams in Babaie et al. (2004). 42 “Princely Suburb, Armenian Quarter or Christian Ghetto? The Urban Setting of New Julfa in the Safavid Capital of Isfahan (1605-1722)” La Revue des Mondes musulmans et de la Méditerannée, REMMM, 107-110, in a special issue :Les non-musulmans dans l'espace urbain en terres d'islam pp.414- 437.
43 Baghdiantz Mcabe Ina “The Global Trading Ambitions of the Julfan Armenians.” Diaspora Entreprenurial Networks 1000-2000. Editors: Ina Baghdiantz McCabe, Gelina Harlaftis, Ionna Minoglu. 34 And in the joint forward, Ina Baghdiantz McCabe, Gelina Harlaftis, Ionna Minoglu. Diaspora Entreprenurial Networks 1600-2000. Also see “Trading Diaspora, State Building and the Idea of National Interest”in Views from the Edge: Essays in Honor of Richard W. Bulliet. Columbia Middle-East Institute, Columbia University Press. For mainaining a small Army see the example of Marcara in chapter 10 of Ina Baghdiantz McCabe (1999). For the Julfan Armenians using their arms see My article on Gilantentz in EI. 44 see Ina Baghdiantz McCabe (1999) pp. 133-34. 45 Sanjay Subrahmanyam in “Iranians abroad: Intra Asian Elite Migration and Early Modern State Formation.”, (The Journal of Asian Studies, Volume LI, no.2 ,1992):.340-363. 46 For this see Ina Baghdiantz McCabe (1999), p.309. Not only were the Qutb Shahis in Golconda but there were also some Julfan Armenians high within the court of the king of Golconda. 47 Baghdiantz McCabe (1999) chapter 3 and 6 for internal these internal conflicts. 48 See the discussion about this problem in Cemal Kafadar “A Death in Venice (1575): Anatolian Muslim Merchants Trading in the Serenissima.” Journal of Turkish Studies (VolumeX,1986):97-124. 49 Jean Aubin, “La propriété foncière en Azerbaydjan,” Le Monde Iranien et L’Islam: Sociétés et Cultures, 4 (1976-1977), pp. 79-132. 50 Bn. Manus. fr. Fond fr. 15529 fol. 451v. 51 Ahmad Ashraf, “Historical Obstacles to the Formation of a Bourgeoisie in Iran,” in Studies in the Economic History of the Middle East, ed. M. A. Cook, (Oxford, 1970): 308-333. 52 The third volume of the Afzal al Tavarikh cites a royal decree and ascertains the date of 1028/1619 for the monopoly. This volume was discoverd by Charles Melville. Iranian studies 31, 2 (1998) 263-65 Download 290.61 Kb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: 
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