Socioeconomic aspects of the family

authority, the exercise of legitimate influence by one social actor over another. There are many ways in which an individual or entity can influence another to behave differently, and not all of them have equal claim to authority. A classic hypothetical example serves to differentiate the term authority from other forms of influence: One person wielding a club forces another person to hand over money and possessions. This act might be considered coercive—the exercise of brute power, which in many instances would be criminal. If, however, the person with the club is employed in a position that involves repossessing goods—thus, a person occupying a legitimate role in a society—and menaces the other person in the process of doing so, the act of influence may well be legitimate and constitute the exercise of authority.
The example illustrates the basic distinction between authority and coercion by physical force. As the psychologists John R.P. French and Bertram Raven pointed out, however, these are only two of the common bases of social power, and the distinctions between authority and other forms of social influence are somewhat more subtle. For example, if the person no longer held a club but instead offered the other person an incentive to hand over all the money, the reward might be seen as a source of power but probably not authority. A banker who rewards a client with future interest payments for doing exactly that has no authority over the client, because the client is always free to decide not to deposit the money and, later, to require the money’s return. The same might be true of peer pressure, a good argument, or any other form of influence for which one cannot say, “Person B has an obligation to obey Person A and hand over all the money.” Indeed, it is in this sense that there exists some normative relationship between A and B, some duty that B has to obey A, which constitutes authority.
Governments are perhaps the most familiar example of an authoritative social actor, as, by most accounts, they generally possess a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force to compel obedience to their mandates in a given geographic area. The soldier or police officer serves as an extension of state authority and shares its legitimacy. However, even these familiar forms of political authority as exercised by the state have limits. For example, a police officer who compels a confession from a suspect or extorts money steps outside the limits of the legitimate authority usually accorded to the police; the officer thereby engages in coercion, which is the opposite of authority where the presence of a normative relationship is involved.
The exercise of authority thus defined is neither limited to the state nor confined to the use of physical force. Instead, the concept of authority extends to cover a variety of social interactions and resides with a variety of social actors. In publicly held corporations, shareholders and their boards of directors exercise authority over the executives through the mechanisms of corporate governance. They have, for example, the right to hire and fire the chief executive, to set the executive’s wages, and to review important corporate policies. Business firms create rules to regulate and, thereby, exercise authority over employees. Indeed, the very notion of hierarchy that characterizes most complex organizations rests on the exercise of authority by superiors over subordinates. Much of the early scholarship in organization theory centred on questions of why authority dynamics arise in organizations and how those dynamics facilitate the coordination of organizational action.
As a central concept in the study of societies, states, and organizations, authority has drawn the attention of several very different fields of study. The nature of authority and what makes the exercise of authority legitimate is a central focus for political philosophers, who examine questions regarding when a state may legitimately compel its citizens to act and, conversely, when citizens may legitimately refuse to obey state mandates. For sociologists and political scientists, the more-pressing questions concern the antecedents and effects of de facto state authority—that is, existing state authority, especially as it actually exercises its power rather than how it is supposed to do so (according to a country’s constitution or a philosopher, for example). They ask, Why do individuals, groups, and organizations submit to authority? How do broader social institutions serve to legitimate this authority? How does the form of authority exercised by a state affect society and its members? For social psychologists, the more fundamental question concerns individual reactions to the exercise of authority. Why do individuals obey authority? And what are the limits of this obedience, especially where other normative considerations are concerned?