The Physics of Wall Street: a brief History of Predicting the Unpredictable
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Tyranny of the Dragon King
• 179 king because, if you try to match plots like Pareto’s law—the fat-tailed distribution governing income disparity that Mandelbrot studied at IBM — to countries that have a monarchy, you find that kings don’t fit with the 80–20 rule. Kings control far more wealth than they ought to, even by the standards of fat tails. they are true outliers. And they, not the extremely wealthy just below them, are the ones who really exert control. the word dragon, meanwhile, is supposed to capture the fact that these kinds of events don’t have a natural place in the normal bes- tiary. they’re unlike anything else. Many large earthquakes are little ones that, for whatever reason, didn’t stop. these are not predictable using Sornette’s methods. But dragon-king earthquakes, the critical events, seem to require more. Like ruptures, they happen only if all sorts of things fall into place in just the right way. A good example of a dragon king is the city of Paris. france’s cities follow Zipf’s law re- markably well. the distribution of cities in france is fat-tailed, in that the very biggest cities are much bigger than the next biggest cities. But if you plot the size of french cities by their population size, as Zipf’s law would have you do, Paris is still much too big. It breaks the mold. taleb’s argument trades on the fact that black swans can have enor- mous consequences. dragon kings are similar in their influence. they are tyrannical when they appear. But unlike black swans, you can hear them coming. Sornette does not argue that all black swans are really dragon kings in disguise, or even that all market crashes are predict- able. But he does argue that many things that might seem like black swans really do issue warnings. In many cases, these warnings take the form of log-periodic precursors, oscillations in some form of data that occur only when the system is in the special state where a mas- sive catastrophe can occur. these precursors arise only when the right combination of positive feedback and amplifying processes is in place, along with the self-organization necessary to make a bang, and not a whimper. the Prediction company, on the one hand, and Sornette, on the other, offer two ways in which one might fill in the gaps in the now- standard Black-Scholes-style reasoning. the Prediction company’s methods might be thought of as local, in the sense that their strat- egy involved probing the fine-grained financial data produced every instant by the world’s markets for patterns that had some temporary predictive power. these patterns allowed them to build models that could be used over a short window of time to make profitable trades, even though the patterns were often fleeting. Along with these meth- ods, they developed the tools necessary to evaluate the effectiveness of the patterns they were finding, and to tell when they had passed their prime. In a way, the Prediction company’s approach is modest and conservative. It is easy to see why it should work, as a part of what makes markets more efficient. Sornette, conversely, has taken a more global approach, looking for regularities that are associated with the biggest events, the most dam- aging catastrophes, and trying to use those regularities to make pre- dictions. His starting point is Mandelbrot’s observation that extreme events occur more often than a normal random walk would predict; Sornette believes that catastrophic crashes happen even more than Mandelbrot proposed. In other words, even after you accept fat-tailed distributions, you still see extreme events unusually often. Sornette’s intuition, on seeing these apparent outliers, is that there must be some mechanism that, at least sometimes, amplifies the largest catastrophes. this is a riskier hypothesis — but it is one that can be tested, and so far, it seems to have passed. If you think of Mandelbrot’s work as a revision to the early accounts of random markets, pointing out why they fail and how, then Sornette’s proposal is a second revision. It is a way of saying that, even if markets are wildly random and extreme events occur all the time, at least some extreme events can be anticipated if you know what to look for. these dragon kings can upend the entire world economy — and yet they can be studied and understood. they are the stuff of myths, but not of mystery. 180 • t h e p h y s i c s o f wa l l s t r e e t A nother debate. Pia Malaney put her arms on the table and leaned in to listen to her fiancé, eric Weinstein. Wein- stein was a postdoctoral researcher at MIt who had recently finished a Phd in mathematics at Harvard. they were sitting in a bar in cambridge, Massachusetts, where Weinstein was holding forth on how the ideas used in his dissertation could be applied to hers. the trouble was that his work had been on an application of abstract geom- etry to mathematical physics. Her work, meanwhile, was in econom- ics. the two projects seemed as different as could be. She sighed as she recalled, with a sense of the irony, how much easier these discussions had been before she had won him over to her side. Malaney had met Weinstein in 1988, while he was a graduate stu- dent and she was an undergraduate economics major at Wellesley, the women’s college located just outside of Boston. Back then, Weinstein had a dim view of economics — a view shared by many of his mathe- matician colleagues. He thought it consisted of mathematically simple theories that couldn’t hope to capture the full complexity of human behavior. Weinstein would get a rise out of friends in the economics department by calling their field “cocktail party conversation”: unsub- A New Manhattan Project c H A P t e r 8 stantial, trivial. He would happily have admitted that he didn’t know much about economics, because, after all, there wasn’t much to know. Malaney was not fond of the view frequently espoused by her fi- ancé. for years, she steadfastly defended her colleagues’ work against Weinstein’s attacks. And then one day, she found she had convinced him. All of a sud- den, he went from trying to tell her that economics was worthless to declaring that they should collaborate. All Weinstein could talk about was how, with his training in mathematics and physics and her training in economics, they could tackle all sorts of problems that had stumped economists in the past. the point had long been to get her boyfriend to read enough economics to understand that there was substance be- hind it. now, though, Malaney found herself wading into the world of mathematical physics. It was not what she had bargained for. Still, she couldn’t deny that their collaboration was already proving fruitful. they had begun to focus on something called the index num- ber problem. the problem concerns how to take complex information about the world, such as information about the cost and quality of various goods, and turn it into a single number that can be used to compare, say, a country’s economic health and status at one time to its economic status at another time. Some familiar examples are market indices like the dow Jones Industrial Average or the S&P 500. these are numbers that are supposed to encode all of the complicated infor- mation about the state of the U.S. stock market. Another index that one often hears about is the consumer Price Index (cPI), which is supposed to be a number that captures information about the cost of the ordinary things that a person living in a U.S. city buys, such as food and housing. Index numbers are crucially important for economic policy because they provide a standard to compare economic indi- cators over time, and from place to place. (the Economist magazine has proposed a particularly straightforward index, called the Big Mac Index. the idea is that the value of a Big Mac hamburger from Mc- donald’s is a reliable constant that can be used to compare the value of money in different countries and at different times.) together, Malaney and Weinstein developed an entirely novel way of solving the index number problem by adapting a tool from math- 182 • t h e p h y s i c s o f wa l l s t r e e t |
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