Uva-dare (Digital Academic Repository) Ethno-territorial conflict and coexistence in the Caucasus, Central Asia and Fereydan
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ETHNIC GROUP MAIN RELIGION MAIN LANGUAGE LANGUAGE FAMILY LANGUAGE BRANCH Dungan
Sunni Islam Dungan Chinese Sinic (Mandarin) Hui
German Western (mainly Protestant) Christianity German Germanic Western
Karakalpak Sunni Islam Karakalpak Turkic Kypchak
Kazakh Sunni Islam Kazakh Turkic Kypchak
Kurd Shi’ite Islam
Kurmanji Kurdish Iranic Northwestern Kyrgy Sunni Islam Kyrgyz Turkic Kypchak
Pamiri Shi’ite Islam Mainly Shughnani (with other Pamiri languages) Iranic Southeastern Russian Orthodox Christianity Russian Slavic
Eastern Tajiks Sunni Islam Tajiks Iranic
Southwestern Turkmen Sunni Islam Turkmen
Turkic Oghuz
Ukrainian Orthodox Christianity Ukrainian Slavic Eastern
Uyghur Sunni Islam Uyghur Turkic Karluk
Uzbek Sunni Islam Uzbeks Turkic Karluk
Although there are no precise data about the number of Pamiris, there have been some studies on them and certain estimations of their numbers are available. According to Ethnologue (2009, 16 th edition) 116 (based on figures from 1975 until 1994), there were 98,000 Pamiris. According to Atabaki and Versteeg (1994: 80), there were approximately 152,000 Pamiris living in Tajikistan in 1989. 117
Hence, the Pamiris made up approximately between 61% and 95% of Gorno-Badakhshan’s total population (160,900) in 1989. 118
The Tajik-speaking Vanji people in Gorno-Badakhshan were also Ismailis and spoke a Pamiri language before being incorporated into the Emirate of Bukhara and converted to Sunni Islam. The addition of their number to the Pamiris results in slightly higher numbers of Pamiris but does not affect the general picture significantly. Pamiris in Tajikistan meet all the criteria of being an ethno-
116
See Ethnologue report for Tajikistan. Available online:: http://www.ethnologue.org/show_country.asp?name=TJ (Accessed 23 December 2011). 117 According to Atabaki & Versteeg (1994: 80), 3% of the Tajikistan’s population in 1989 were Pamiris. According to the Soviet census, the population of Tajikistan was 5,092,603 in 1989. A calculation of the number of Pamiris results in 152,778. 118 As it appears from the results of fieldwork studies among Pamiris in Gorno-Badakhshan, the lower percentages apparently count only Pamiris inside the Gorno-Badakhshan AO. Other estimations, however, may also include Pamiris living outside the Gorno-Badakhshan AO. 162
territorial group. 119
All Ethno-territorial groups in Central Asia are listed in Table 5.3. Ethno-Territorial Groups in Fereydan Most ethnic groups in Fereydan have a long history of habitation and are in that sense ethno-territorial. Armenians and Georgians are relative newcomers, but even they have a long record of habitation in Fereydan. Armenians and Georgians lived in the territory of modern-day Iran even prior to the 17 th century, but their mass settlement in Iran and specifically in Fereydan occurred in the 17 th century (see e.g. Bournoutian 1998; Chaqueri 1998; Gregorian 1998; Hart 1998 [1932]; Hovian 2001; Muliani 2000; Rahimi 2000; Rezvani 2008a; Rezvani 2009a; Rezvani 2009b; Sepiani 1979). They have put their mark on the regional Fereydani history. Armenians, for example, have old churches in Fereydan, and Georgians fought against Afghan invaders there. Unless otherwise specified and certainly in this chapter, Fereydan in this book refers to the region of Greater Fereydan, including the Shahrestan-e Khwansar. This region consist of the shahrestans of Fereydan (proper), Fereydunshahr, Chadegan, and Khwansar. All these shahrestans belong to the Ostan-e Esfahan. Occupying the western part of that ostan, Fereydan is a medium- sized Iranian region. Fereydan is in many aspects a model Iranian region, scoring an average in most aspects. It is neither rich nor poor, is similar to most other predominantly rural regions in Iran, not densely populated, and has produced many emigrants who left Fereydan searching for jobs. The religious, linguistic, and hence ethnic maps of Fereydan, however, are more heterogeneous than most other Iranian regions. Today, Shi’ite Islam is the largest religion in Iran. Then follows Sunni Islam. Other religions are adhered to by relatively small numbers of people. Estimates of the proportions of Shi’ites, Sunnis, and adherents to
119
The case of Pamiris is very different from the small groups of people who speak the Yaghnobi language in the Yaghnob Valley and are registered as Tajiks. They are bilingual in Tajik and Yaghnobi, a ortheast Iranic language and a remnant of Soghdian, the ancient language of Tajik’s ancestors. They are a very small group, perhaps less than 3,000 souls, and decreasing in number. Similar to other Tajiks, Yaghnobi Tajiks are Sunni Muslims. In addition, emigration from their valley contributes even more to their assimilation into and identification with the mainstream ethnic Tajik people. While the Pamiris have a strong sense of Pamiri Ismaili identity, the Yaghnobis can best be defined as local Tajiks of the Yaghnob area. (A similar case is, perhaps, that of the Frisians in the Netherlands. They can be described as the local Dutch, despite their different language.) There are, however, contradictory claims. Even if Yaghnobis’ peculiarities were enough reason to regard them as a distinct ethnic group, they could not be regarded as an ethno-territorial group in this study because, as a rule, the Soviet ethnic categories are maintained in this study as long as they are smaller than 20,000 persons.
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other religions in Iran are respectively 89%, 9%, and 2%, according to the CIA (2009), 120 and 90%, 8%, and 2%, according to the Library of Congress Federal Research Division (2008: 5). My own estimates, based on the aforementioned method, also come close to these figures. Although the Shi’ite group is undeniably the largest religious group in Fereydan, the “remaining category” in Fereydan has been historically more prominent than in most other parts of Iran. The most notable religious minority group in Fereydan are Armenians, who are Orthodox Christians. The overwhelming majority of Christians (about 300,000 in 2008) 121 in Iran are Armenians. The other Christian groups (for example, Assyrians) are smaller communities. The number of Armenians in Iran can be estimated at over 250,000. There are many Christian churches in the Armenian villages of Fereydan. Regarding the date of construction of these churches and comparing them with those in Esfahan, one can conclude that Fereydan is one of the oldest Armenian centers in the central part of Iran. According to Vartan Gregorian (1998: 39-41), the Armenian settlement in Esfahan took place in the period 1603–1605, and the first Armenian church in Esfahan was built in 1606. According to Hovian (2001: 141-142), Armenians settled in Esfahan in 1605 and the first Armenian church in Esfahan was built in 1607. According to him, the oldest church in Fereydan, the Holy Hohanes (St. John) Church in the village of Upper Khoygan, dates not much later and was built in 1610 (Hovian 2001: 157). From the list of the Armenian churches in Iran offered by Hovian (2001: 156-157), it can be concluded that after Western Azerbaijan, no other predominantly rural areas in Iran have such a high concentration of (old) Armenian churches. The Holy Ghukas (St. Lucas) church in Zarne (Boloran) is among the oldest historical buildings in Fereydan (Isfahanportal.ir 2007a). The locals and people from Esfahan report that this church is visited during certain Armenian religious ceremonies by large numbers of Armenians from outside Fereydan, notably from Esfahan, and that the ceremonies and services are often broadcast by the Ostan-e Esfahan TV channel. 122
Sepiani (1979) identified 17 Armenian villages and one mixed Armenian/Turkic-speaking village in Fereydan. Many villages which were identified by Sepiani (1979) as Armenian do not have an Armenian majority of permanent population any more. 123
Portal-e Ostan-e Esfahan,
120 Although below the page was stated that it was last updated on 5 February 2009, the information offered is usually older. 121
According to the Library of Congress Federal Research Division (2008), the number of Christians in Iran could be estimated at 300,000, and the number has been decreasing rather rapidly since the 2000s. Therefore, it seems that the number of Christians was larger in the late 1980s or early 1990s. 122
Information obtained from locals and people from Esfahan (2000–2008). 123
Even though many (former) Armenian villages are deserted, Zarne (Boloran) still remains 164
the website of Ostan-e Esfahan (Isfahanportal.ir 2007a), mentions 11 Armenian villages in Fereydan. 124 In 1856, Fereydan, with its 21 Armenian villages, was the second-largest rural Iranian Armenian center in Iran, after the region of Western Azerbaijan (Hovian 2001: 210). Of 70,000 Armenians in Iran in 1932 (or shortly before that date) approximately 13,000 lived in the rural areas around Esfahan (Hart 1998: 371). Fereydan is the largest rural Armenian area around Esfahan and, therefore, it can be assumed that most of those 13,000 persons were Fereydani Armenians. If we assume that the ratio of Fereydani Armenians in the total population of Iranian Armenians (>18.5%) has been stable over time, the number of Armenians with Fereydani Armenian origin can be estimated at over 45,000. Nevertheless, not all these persons are (permanent) inhabitants of Fereydan. 125
Although the case of Armenians is more prominent, emigration from rural Fereydan, especially by the youth, is a common feature among all ethnic groups of Fereydan. This is somewhat similar to the case of the mountainous Caucasus (see Eldarov et al. 2007; Eldarov 2008; RREC 2005: 46; WRITENET
1995).
There have been historically notable communities of Jews and Bahais in Greater Fereydan. Khwansar has traditionally been one of the Jewish centers of Iran. Rabbi Davoudi, the former spiritual leader of Iranian Jews, was from Khwansar (Khabarnameh-ye Khwansar 2007). Similar to the number of Jews, the number of Bahais is also dwindling. Since Bahaism is a non-recognized religion in Iran, many Bahais left Iran after the Islamic Revolution (1979). Those who remained are concentrated in large urban areas such as Tehran, Esfahan, and Shiraz, where they can live in relatively more anonymity. Although it is hypothetically possible that there still live Bahais in Fereydan who deny their religious affiliation in public, it is more likely that the remaining Bahais converted to Shi’ite Islam after the Islamic Revolution. During my fieldwork in Fereydan, people, especially in those towns and villages that are known to have had
completely Armenian. In 2000 I even met Fereydani Armenians, who had lived for a time in Esfahan and had returned to this village, or those who had lived in Tehran but spent their summers in this village. Many Fereydani Armenians residing in other parts of Iran return to Fereydan during their summer vacation. 124 These villages are: Qal’e-ye Gregor, Darabvard, Arigan, Movakkel-e Senegerd, Punestan, Zarne (Boloran), the Lower Khoygan, the Upper Khoygan, Khong, Haran [or Hadan?], Suran [or Savaran?], Namagerd, Milagerd, Shurishkan, and Sangbaran (Isfahanportal.ir 2007a). 125 Fereydani Armenians are relatively active and aware about their culture. Two books which introduce their culture and dialect are those by L. Minasian (1998) and B. S. Ghazarian Senegerdi (1991). The first book is about Fereydani Armenian folklore and the second one is a Persian- Armenian dictionary, based on the Iranian-Armenian (Parskahayeren) dialect of Armenian, and contains many words used by Ferydani Armenians. Both authors are Fereydani Armenians. The first author, whom I know personally, is affiliated with the Armenian Musem of Esfahan, and the second one’s name suggests that he is from Senegerd, an Armenian village in Fereydan. 165
significant Bahai populations, downplay or totally deny the historical existence of Bahais there. 126
groups, the identification of ethnic groups in Iran requires a certain knowledge of Iranian ethnic and inter-ethnic realities. Ethnic categories in Iran are fluid and much hybridity exists. Consequently, the identification of ethnic groups, ethno-territorial groups, and hence also the identification of ethno-territorial encounters is difficult. There is no legal definition or delimitation of ethnic groups in Iran. Ethnic groups are not politicized but are a cultural category. The differences between tribes and ethnic groups are not always clear, not even in the colloquial or official languages. Self- awareness of different groups varies to a certain extent. It is not surprising that many people in Iran, especially in the larger cities, identify themselves simply as Iranian, without a clear reference to their ethnicity. Sometimes people refer to their ancestral locality. One will, for example, say: “Well, I am Shirazi”, which can also mean: “I am from Ostan-e Fars”. Many will say: “I am Shomali [Northerner]”, which may mean that he is from either Gilan, Mazandaran, or Golestan, and hence can be Gilaki, Talysh, Mazandarani, etc. It is not uncommon to refer to a region as a whole, even though that region does not correlate perfectly to a single
Larestani. The first two regions are divided into many ostans, while the latter is a region in Ostan-e Fars. It is not very uncommon to hear phrases such as: “I am Tehrani but my parents are Mashhadi”. In such a context it is not very uncommon to hear: “Do you know? I am Tehrani, but my father is Tabrizi and my mother is Shirazi. Her father was Hamedani. He was there for work when he married my grandmother”.
Indeed, intermarriages, especially between the members of the same religion, are very common. In particular, the members of Shi’ite ethnic groups—that is, mainstream Iranian society (virtually the same as “titular” group in the Soviet context)—very often intermarry. Intermarriages result in a lot of hybridity and uncertainty about people’s local or ethnic affiliations. This uncertainty is especially found more with regard to locality than ethnicity. People do not know if they are Mashahdi or Esfahani if each of the parents are from either city. In these cases they will identify most likely with their own place of birth or residence, but as both parents are Persian-speakers, they will identify with that ethnic group. A person is, for example, an Azeri if both parents are. A more difficult case is, for example, if one’s father is an Azeri and one’s mother an ethnic Persian-speaker (a Fars). In such cases people will identify themselves by the place of birth or the language they speak. People will
126 Information obtained by fieldwork (Fereydan 2000–2006). 166
also say they are ethnically mixed and are half Azeri and half ethnic Persian-speaker (or Fars).
Despite its fluid nature and ambiguity in many cases, ethnicity, even in the case of Shi’ites, is still traceable and identifiable to a high degree. Ethnic groups are cultural groups in Iran and are mainly defined and distinguished from each other on the basis of their language and religion (see Amanollahi 2005). Even though the ethnic identification of many individual persons may be hybrid, there is still general awareness of the fact that ethnic groups, as collectivities, exist in Iran. It is not very uncommon to hear someone is Lur, half Lur, Kurd (that is, Sunni Kurd), Khorasani (Shi’ite) Kurd, Azeri, Talysh, Tork (i.e. a Turkic-speaker, a general name for all Turkic speakers, except for the Turkmens), half Talysh half Gilaki, etc. Very often the ethnic categories used in colloquial encounters are those that are implicitly recognized by a large segment of Iranian society. Usually these ethnic categories are based on the groups’ native language or an combination of the spoken language and religion. A list of towns and villages and the number of their inhabitants and oral information given to me by Fereydan proper’s Governorate
gave a good basis for the location of ethnic concentrations and, hence, encounters between ethnic groups in Fereydan. It is relatively easy to identify ethnic groups and hence ethno-territorial groups in Fereydan. Armenians, due to their distinctive religion, are very easily distinguishable from other groups there. They not only speak their ethnic language, but they also practice a different religion and are easily distinguishable from their neighbors in Fereydan, who are predominantly (almost 100%) Shi’ite Muslims. It is also not very difficult to distinguish ethnic groups from each other who speak different languages. Georgian is a very different language than Persian or Turkic, and hence they are easily distinguishable from each other. The Khwansari language is a Northwest Iranic language belonging to a dialect continuum of languages of central Iran. 127
Such languages were once widely spoken in central Iran before being supplanted by Persian and are called the “Median dialects” of Esfahan by the linguist Habib Borjian (2007). More difficult cases are when languages are close to each other. For example, Bakhtiari and Standard Persian are very close languages. Nevertheless, owing to the differences in lifestyles and of course memory, kinship, and familial ties, one can recognize one’s own and others’ ethnic affiliation. Language can also be a basis of distinction even if one does not speak that language. Indeed, there are many people who do not speak their
127
Asaturian (Asatrian) (2011: 12-17) regards the speakers of these languages as being each an ethnic (or ethno-linguistic) group. 167
ethnic language or are not very fluent in it. It is not uncommon that Georgians, Bakhtiaris, etc. who are born or raised in large cities do not speak their ethnic language anymore; nonetheless, by virtue of kinship and their memory, they know to which ethnic group they belong. In Fereydan, the cities, towns, and villages are still largely homogeneous. Shahrestan-e Chadegan, for example, is a mainly Turkic- speaking shahrestan, except for its bakhsh called Chenar-Rud, which is predominantly Bakhtiari. Shahrestan-e Fereydan (proper) is ethnically mixed. While its administrative center Daran and the town of Damaneh are Persian-speaking, its rural areas, with the notable exception of the Bakhsh-e Buin-Miandasht, are predominantly Turkic-speaking. That
Georgians. Most large settlements in Shahrestan-e Fereydunshahr are Georgian. Georgians are the largest ethnic group in that shahrestan, and they probably also constitute a large majority of its population, almost all speaking the Georgian language (Isfahanportal.ir 2007b). The mountainous southern part of Fereydunshahr, however, is predominantly Bakhtiari. Despite its relatively large area, the southern part of Shahrestan-e Fereydunshahr is sparsely populated. 128 Khwansaris are mainly concentrated in Shahrestan-e Khwansar. Consequently, most ethnic groups in Fereydan live in more or less ethnically homogeneous settlements. There are only a few groups who do or did not. The number of Jews is dwindling. Like the other religious minority group in Fereydan, the Baha’is, and unlike Armenians, Jews lived mainly in towns and villages among other groups. As most newcomers to Fereydan and Khwansar are temporary residents (mainly students) in the larger urban centers, none of their respective ethnic groups are and have the potential to become an ethno-territorial group. Therefore, only the Fereydani Turkic speakers, Persian-Speakers, Bakhtiaris, Khwansaris, Armenians, and Georgians are ethno-territorial groups (see Table 5.4). Despite not inhabiting Fereydan, another group forms ethno- territorial encounters with Fereydani groups: the Lurs of the neighboring Ostan-e Lorestan (Luristan). Therefore, Table 5.4 also includes these ethno-territorial groups. Next to these Lurs, there are also other ethno-
128 Once a native of this area—whose aunt was married, by the way, to a Georgian from Fereydunshahr—told me that his ancestral village, called Masil, is the largest village in those mountains and counts only 200 inhabitants. Many other people confirmed this, but others think there are larger villages there. Others, notably residents of large cities elsewhere in Iran, thought that although it is a small village and relatively unpopulated, still 200 inhabitants was a very small number. Such claims are not very strange in a country where people often claim that its capital has 15 million inhabitants, i.e. much more than Ostan-e Tehran’s population altogether! Residents of large urban metropolitan areas in Iran often do not have a true picture of the reality in the rest of Iran, a relatively sparsely populated country. Still, they do recognize this lack of population in the “provinces” or “villages”. Regardless of the veracity of this claim—which was and is not very difficult to investigate, by the way—it indicates that this area is indeed very sparsely populated. 168
territorial groups whose living areas border those of Fereydani ethnic groups. These are often the same ethnic groups as are found also in Fereydan itself. They are, notably, the Persian-speakers of Ostan-e Esfahan to the east of Fereydan and the Bakhtiaris in the neighboring Ostan-e Chahar Mahal va Bakhtiari. All ethno-territorial groups in Freyedan and the Lurs of Luristan are listed in Table 5.4.
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