The Qarakhanids and the Qarluq, from whom the dynasty very probably sprang
Download 77.41 Mb.Pdf ko'rish
- Bu sahifa navigatsiya:
- and on the origins of the dynasty, "Von den Karluk zu den Karachaniden
- M. Nazim
- T H E E A S T E R N I R A N I A N W O R L D
- pp. 40-2. 3 Sachau, "Zur Geschichte und Chronologie von Khwarizm"
- T H E I R A N I A N W O R L D ( A . D . IOOO
- 506; A. Z. V. Togan, "The Khorezmians and their Civilisation", Preface to Zamakhsharis Muqaddimat al-Adab, pp. 9-43; S. P. Tolstov
- See, for example, T. Noldeke
- vol. ccvn (1953), pp. 192-7. T H E I R A N I A N W O R L D ( A . D . I O O O
- I I . K H U R A S A N : T H E D E C L I N E O F G H A Z N A V I D P O W E R A N D T H E E S T A B L I S H M E N T O F T H E S A L J U Q S
- T H E I R A N I A N W O R L D ( A . D . I O O O - I 2 1 7 )
The Qarakhanids and the Qarluq, from whom the dynasty very probably sprang,
have been studied by O. Pritsak. Amongst his many articles on them, see especially "Kara-
hanlilar" in Islam Ansiklopedisi; and on the origins of the dynasty, "Von den Karluk zu
den Karachaniden Zeitscbrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, pp. 270-300.
Cf. Barthold, Turkestan, pp. 254-61.
On the Ghaznavid dynasty, see B. Spuler, " Ghaznavids", Encyc. of Islam (2nd ed.);
M. Nazim, The Life and Times of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna; and Bosworth, The Ghaznavids.
On Sebuk-Tegin's early life and his rule as governor in Ghazna, see Nazim, op. cit.
pp. 28-33, and Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, pp. 35-44.
T H E E A S T E R N I R A N I A N W O R L D
provinces south of the Oxus. These territories were definitely annexed
in 388/998 by Abu'l-Qasim Mahmud b. Sebuk-Tegin. Meanwhile it
had proved impossible to dislodge the Qarakhanids from the Syr
Darya basin, and in 389/999 the Samanid dynasty was definitely over
thrown in Transoxiana by the Ilig Nasr b. ' A l i (d. 403/1012-13),
nephew of Bughra K h a n Harun. The heroism of the last of the
Samanids, Isma'il al-Muntasir, could achieve nothing in the face of the
division of the Samanid empire between the Ilig and Mahmud. In
391/1001 these two came to a formal agreement whereby the Oxus was
to be the boundary between the two kingdoms, and in 395/1005
Isma'il was killed through the treachery of an Arab nomad chief in
the Qara Q u m desert.
In the adjacent province of Khwarazm, the classical Chorasmia, the
days of rule by native Iranian monarchs were also numbered. For
several thousand years the region of the lower Oxus had held a complex
of rich agricultural oases linked by irrigation canals, the full extent of
which has only recently come to light through the researches of
Soviet archaeologists. (The Iranian scholar al-Biruni says that the
Khwarazmian era began when the region was first settled and cultivated,
this date being placed in the early 13th-century B . C . ) That the ancient
dynasty of Afrighid Khwarazm-Shahs survived for nearly three cen
turies after the coming of Islam to their land is unique in the Islamic
world: al-Biruni lists twenty-two rulers of this line running from
A . D . 305 to 385/995.
However, the vandalism of Qutaibab. Muslim's
invading Arabs in 93/712 had an enfeebling effect on the culture of
ancient Khwarazm, and this seems to have been aggravated by
economic decline, whose symptoms, according to S. P. Tolstov, in
cluded the neglect of irrigation works and the decline of urban life.
The system of large fortified estates, which is characteristic of Khwarazm
ian agrarian society at this time, was a response to increasing external
pressure from Turkish steppe peoples, who were attracted not only by
prospects of plunder but also by the winter pasture available along the
shores of the Oxus. The Turkicizing of the population of Khwarazm
probably began during this period.
In the 4th/ioth century there were
Barthold, Turkestan, pp. 261-721; and idem, " A Short History of Turkestan", in Four
Studies on the History of Central Asia, vol. i, pp. 21-4.
al-Biruni, al-Athdr al-baqiya 'an al-quriin al-khaliya (tr. E. Sachau, The Chronology of
Ancient Nations), pp. 40-2.
Sachau, "Zur Geschichte und Chronologie von Khwarizm", S\it%ungs-] B[erichte der]
W[iener] A[kad. der] W[iss.], Phil.-Hist. C , vol.
L X X X I I I ,
L X X I V ,
1873, pp. 471ft".
T H E I R A N I A N W O R L D ( A . D . IOOO--1217)
villages with Turkish names on the right bank of the Oxus. The
Ghaznavid historian Abu'1-Fadl Baihaqi speaks of Qi'pchaq, Küjet,
and Chaghraq Turks harrying the fringes of Khwárazm in 422/103o,
and a few years after this the Saljuqs and their followers spent some
time on Khwárazmian pastures before moving southwards into
Khurasan. The higher culture of Iranian Khwárazm offered resistance
to the process of Turkicization, but the trend nevertheless continued
over the next centuries (see pp. 141-2 below).
In spite of this, the downfall of the native Afrighid dynasty of
Khwárazm-Sháhs in 385/995 came about through internal disturbances.
Gurganj, a town on the left bank of the Oxus, had grown in importance
as the terminus of caravan trade across the Oghuz steppes to the Volga
and southern Russia, thereby eclipsing the ancient capital on the right
bank of Káth. A local Gurganj family, the Ma'münids, succeeded in
deposing the last Afrighid, A b ü 'Abdallah Muhammad, and assumed
the traditional title of Khwárazm-Sháh. But their tenure of power was
brief. The Sámánids had been nominal suzerains of Khwárazm, though
in practice they had rarely interfered there; now the shadow of their
supplanter, Mahmüd of Ghazna, grew menacing for the Ma'münids.
In 406/1015-16 Abu'l-'Abbás Ma'mün b. Ma'mün married one of
the Ghaznavid sultan's sisters, Hurra-yi Kalji; nevertheless, Ghaznavid
pressure was relentless. The 'Abbásid caliph in Baghdad sent directly to
the Khwárazm-Sháh a patent of investiture for Khwárazm, a standard,
and the honorific titles 'Ain al-Daula wa Zain al-Milla ("Eye of the State
and Ornament of the Religious Community " ) ; but the shah did not dare
to receive these publicly in his capital Gurganj for fear of provoking
Mahmüd's wrath. In the sultan's imperial strategy, possession of K h w á
razm was necessary to turn the flank of the Qarakhánids, amongst whom
the ruler of Samarqand and Bukhara—'AH b. Hasan Bughra Khan,
AH-Tegin (d. 425/1034)—was showing himself an implacable
enemy of the Ghaznavids. After an ultimatum to the Khwárazmians,
which contained humiliating demands and required the renunciation of
national sovereignty, Mahmüd's troops invaded and annexed Khwárazm
in 408/1017. The sultan then installed as Khwárazm-Sháh Altun-Tash,
one of his most trusted slave generals and a former ghuldm or military
retainer of his father Sebük-Tegin; for the next seventeen years K h w á -
506; A. Z. V. Togan, "The Khorezmians and their Civilisation", Preface to Zamakhshari's
Muqaddimat al-Adab, pp. 9-43; S. P. Tolstov, Auj den Spuren der Altchoresmischen Kuliur,
pp. 9 f.
Baihaqi, Ta'rikh-i Mas'üdi, p. 86; cf. Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, p. 109.
T H E E A S T E R N I R A N I A N W O R L D
razm remained a salient of Ghaznavid power that reached into the
Some Western orientalists have viewed the downfall of these north
eastern Iranian dynasties through a certain romantic haze. They have
idealized the Samanids, at whose court the renaissance of N e w Persian
culture and literature began—a court adorned by such figures as
Bal'ami, Rudaki, and Daqiqi; or, mourning the passing of the K h w a -
razm-Shahs, whose kingdom nurtured the polymath al-Biruni, they have
called it the end of an epoch, after whicli Iran lost political control of
its destiny for many centuries.
O n the other hand, as V . Minorsky
has justly pointed out, there have been few laments for the passing of
those Iranian dynasties farther west, that also went down in the course
of the 5th/nth century under Turkish pressure; yet the Buyids' court
at Ray and Shiraz, the Kakuyids' at Isfahan, and the Ziyarids' court
at Gurgan and Tabaristan gave shelter to such diverse geniuses as
al-Mutanabbi, Avicenna, and al-Biruni. T o some extent these Western
attitudes reflect those of the contemporary Sunni Muslim sources
which are distinctly favourable to dynasties like the Tahirids and
Samanids, sprung from the landed classes, while they are hostile to
those of plebeian origin, e.g. the Saffarids or to those tinged with Shfism
or unorthodoxy, such as the Buyids and Kakuyids.
The collapse of the native Iranian dynasties of the north-east was
followed within a few decades by a major migration of Turkish peoples,
the O g h u z , from the outer steppes. Similar population movements
have been recurrent features of the history of this region from early
times, for the Oxus and Syr Darya basins are a transitional zone between
Central Asia and the lands of ancient civilization in the Near East.
The mountain chains of the Alburz [Elburz], Pamirs, and Hindu Kush
are high and, being geologically young, are sharp and jagged, yet they
have never seriously hindered the passage of armies and other peoples;
nor have invaders from the steppes ever found that the transition to the
Iranian plateau necessitated much change in their way of life. In order
for a pastoralist economy to survive, each summer the flocks and
T H E I R A N I A N W O R L D ( A . D . I O O O - 1 2 1 7 )
herds should be driven out of their winter grounds to pastures, or
jailaqs, in the hills. Thus the terrain of Iran was quite well suited to
the traditional way of life of Central Asian invaders. For instance, the
oases of Khurasan could provide rich pasture for herds, and certain
[Meshed] and Khabushan, and the Marg-i Sa'igh near Nasa, have played
significant parts in Iranian history as the camping and grazing grounds
of armies. A s the Turkmen moved westwards, they found the valleys of
Azarbaijan and Armenia and the plains of Anatolia highly suitable for
their flocks. In this way the Saljuq and Mongol invasions inevitably had
an effect on landholding and land utilization in the Iranian world.
Y e t these considerations do not explain why the Turkmen succeeded
in bringing about permanent changes in the ethnography and economy
of the Iranian world, whereas most of the earlier invaders had eventually
been absorbed into the existing way of life. It was certainly not through
sheer weight of human numbers, for there were not many Turkmen
bands in Khurasan during the reign of Mas'ud b. Mahmud of Ghazna
(421-32/1030-41), although the damaging effects of their sheep and
goats as they nibbled across the country's agricultural oases were
It seems that in the first half of the 5 th/ n t h century, the
Iranian bastion of the north-east, whose age-old function had been to
hold closed this corridor for peoples, lost its resilience and no longer
possessed the absorptive power it had once had. In the previous
century the Afrighid Khwarazm-Shahs had every autumn led an ex
pedition into the steppes against the Turkmen; and the Samanid amirs
launched punitive expeditions and slave raids across the Syr Darya,
such as the famous campaign of Isma'Il b. Ahmad (279-95/892-907)
against the Qarluq at Talas in 280/893.
It is true that the groundwork
for this collapse had been in some measure prepared, with Turks taking
part in the internal wars of Transoxiana and also settling peacefully
within its borders. Furthermore, from the early 3rd/9th century onwards
Muslim rulers in all parts of the eastern caliphate had been growing
more dependent on Turkish slave troops, which increased the flow of
Turks through Transoxiana and Khurasan. This traffic in human beings
became an important source of revenue for the Samanids, w h o issued
licences and collected transit dues; at the same time the amirs became
Cf. Bosworth, The Gha^navids, pp. 128, 224, 226, 241, 259-61.
Barthold, Turkestan, p. 224; idem, " Short History of Turkestan "„ pp. 19-20; Tolstov,
Auf den Spuren, pp. 262-3; Bosworth, op. cit. pp. 31-3.
T H E E A S T E R N I R A N I A N W O R L D
dependent on Turkish ghuläms for their own bodyguard, seeking to use
them as a counterbalance to the indigenous military class of the dihqäns.
T o sum up: the disappearance of the native Khwärazm- Shähs and
Sämänids meant the end of two firmly constituted states in the eastern
Iranian world, and the result was a power vacuum. The authority of the
Qarakhänids in Transoxiana and that of the Ghaznavids in Khurasan
and Khwärazm had no organic roots; in the first region it was diffused
and less effective than Sämänid rule had been, and in the other two
regions it was despotic, capricious, and operating from a very distant
capital, Ghazna, These points will be examined at greater length in the
All through their period of domination the Qarakhänids in Transoxiana
remained a tribal confederation and never formed a unitary state. Their
territories straddled the T'ien Shan, where their yailaqs lay, and on
the facts of geography alone it is hard to see how such an empire could
have been governed by one power. Originally the dynasty did have
a certain unity, although there was from the start the old Turkish
double system of a Great Khan and a Co-Khan. But as early as the first
decades of the 5th/nth century the sources mention internecine strife
in the family; and two distinct branches—which may be called after
their characteristic Islamic names, the 'Alids and Hasanids—begin to
emerge. After 433/1041-2 there were lines of eastern and western
Qarakhänids, established at first in Baläsäghün and Uzkand respec
tively, and then in Käshghar and Samarqand. Within the family there
existed the complicated system of a double khanate and subordinate
under-khans, so that several princes might hold power simultaneously
in various regions; and the family's titulature and onomasticon,
combining both Turkish tribal and totemistic titles with Islamic names
and honorifics, was confused and constantly changing. The task of
sorting out the genealogy of the dynasty has thus been very difficult;
only the researches of the numismatist R. Vasmer and the Turcologist
O . Pritsak have thrown light on it.
T H E I R A N I A N W O R L D ( A . D . I O O O - I 2 1 7 )
In the early part of the 5th/nth century the administration of
Transoxiana reverted to a pattern resembling that which had prevailed
on the eve of the Muslim conquests: small city-states were scattered
along the Zarafshán, and the middle Syr Darya was under the general
supervision of Qarakhánid princes. With this trend towards region
alism, the landed aristocracy enjoyed a resurgence of power. The
dihqán of Ilaq, on the north bank of the Syr Darya, began for the first
time to mint his own coins.
The general weight and expense of ad
ministration decreased. A continuator of Narshakhi, the historian of
Bukhara, records that the land tax of Bukhara and its environs was
everywhere lightened after the fall of the Sámánids, in part because
irrigation works were neglected and land became water-logged and
Hence after the disappearance of the Sámánid amirs,
with their centralizing administrative policy and their standing army,
Transoxiana was ill-prepared to meet fresh waves of invaders from the
We have seen that Khurasan passed into the Ghaznavids' hands.
Towards the end of his life the restless dynamism of Sultán Mahmüd
made him press westwards across Iran against his rivals the Dailami
Büyids, various branches of whom ruled in western and central Iran
and in Iraq (see below, section 111, pp. 25 ff.). The ShTism of the
Büyids and their tutelage of the 'Abbásid caliphs in Baghdad gave the
early Ghaznavids plausible pretexts for intervention in the west. They
had grandiloquent plans for liberating the caliphs, opening up the
pilgrimage route to Mecca and Medina, and then pushing on to attack
the Shfi Fatimids in Syria and E g y p t ; but the Turkmen's pressure in
the east ensured that these designs remained only dreams.
It was not
until 420/1029, the last year of his life, that Mahmüd came to Ray in
northern Iran and deposed its Büyid ruler Majd al-Daula Rustam b.
'All (387-420/997-1029). A t the same time that the province of Ray
and Jibal was being annexed, another Dailami ruler, the Káküyid
'Alá' al-Daula Muhammad b. Dushmanziyár of Isfahan (398-433/1008
to 1041-2), was made a tributary, and various petty Kurdish and
Dailami rulers of north-western Persia, such as the Musáfirids of
Tárum, were also forced to recognize the sultan. The Ziyárid Manü-
chihr b. Qábüs (403-20 or 421/1012-13 to 1029 or 1030) was already
T H E R I S E O F T H E S A L J U Q S
paying tribute to Mahmüd; now he had to allow Ghaznavid armies
transit through his territories and was forced on at least one occasion
to contribute troops to them. (For a detailed survey of these minor
Dailami dynasties, see below, section H I . ) In the province of Kirmán
in south-eastern Iran, which was under the control of the Büyids of
Fárs and Khüzistán, Mahmüd had in 407/1016-17 attempted to set his
own nominee on the throne, but without lasting success; thereafter he
left Kirmán alone. One of Mas'üd b. Mahmüd's armies did temporarily
occupy the province in 424/1033, but was shortly afterwards driven
out by the returning Büyids.
When Mahmüd died in 421/1030, the territory of the Ghaznavid
empire was at its largest. It had become a successor state to the Sámá-
nids in their former lands south of the Oxus, but its original centre was
Ghazna and the region of Zábulistán on the eastern rim of the Afghan
plateau. A s soon as he came to power in Ghazna in 366/977, Sebük-
Tegin began a series of raids against the Hindüsháhi rajahs of Vaihand,
and Mahmüd gained his lasting reputation in the Islamic world as the
great ghd^J (warrior for the faith), leading campaigns each winter
against the infidels of the plains of northern India. Mahmüd's thirst
for plunder and territory, and also his need to employ a standing army
of some 50,000 men, combined to give Ghaznavid policy a markedly
imperialist and aggressive bent;
whilst from the religious aspect, the
Ghaznavids' strict Sunni orthodoxy enabled the sultan to pose as the
faithful agent of the caliph and to purge his own dominions of religious
dissidents such as the extremist Shí'í Ismá'ilis and the Mu'taziiis.
The spoils of India were insufficient to finance this vast empire; the
steady taxation revenue from the heartland of the empire, Afghanistan
and Khurásán, had to supplement them. Khurásán suffered most severely
from the exactions of Ghaznavid tax collectors, who were driven on
by the sultan's threats of torture and death for those who failed him.
For some ten years, until his dismissal and death in 404/1013-14,
the Vizier Abu'l-'Abbás al-Fadl Isfará'ini mulcted the merchants,
artisans, and peasants of Khurásán, causing misery and depopulation.
In the words of the Ghaznavid historian
Utbi, "Affairs were cha
racterized there by nothing but tax levies, sucking which sucked dry,
and attempts to extract fresh sources of revenue, without any construc-
Download 77.41 Mb.
Do'stlaringiz bilan baham:
ma'muriyatiga murojaat qiling