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First, that Dūma was Dūmat al-Jandal is supported by the sharing of the 

command by al-Jūdī, the Ghassānid commander, and the Kindite Ukaydir. The 

Ghassān and Kinda were allies; and as 

foederati of Byzantium, they would not 

have been fighting in the Dūma of Iraq. Furthermore, Ṭabarī states that a number 

of other Arab 

foederati of Byzantium in this pre-Islamic period took part in the 

defense of Dūma, including the Kalb, Tanūkhids, and Zokomids (Salīḥids). They 

likewise would not have been fighting in Iraq; conversely, they naturally would 

have been defending Dūma, an important fortress in Byzantium’s Outer Shield, 

against the nomads of the Arabian Peninsula.3


Second, that two men with the same uncommon name would both have 

beautiful daughters who became the wives of prominent Muslims seems highly 

unlikely.4 As explained in Chapter 2, Layla could easily have been the wife first of 

Khālid ibn al-Walīd and later of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān, son of Abū Bakir.


3  The Dūma near Damascus is out of the question, since its region (Oriens, Bilād al-Shām) came 

under attack by Muslims later, when this impressive number of federate contingents could not have been 

assembled for its defense. For the Outer Shield, see 

BAFOC, 478–79; BAFIC, 478–79. 


4  The only other person known to me who had this name is the Arab Spanish grammarian of 

Granada, Jūdī al-Mawrūri, on whom see Ḥ. Monés, “Jūdī al-Mawrūri,” 

EI2, II, 574–75. Judi is also the 

Koranic name of the mountain on which Noah’s ark rested; see M. Streck, “Djūdi,” 

EI2, II, 573–74. 


jūd means generosity, a virtue for which the Ghassānids were celebrated, it could have been a nick-

name he had earned, just as another Ghassānid was called Qātil al-Jūʿ, “the Killer of Famine” (see below 

Chapter 4, with notes 5–6). 

Appendix VI

Yawm al-Furāt, “the Battle-day of the Euphrates”

There is some confusion in the sources concerning this encounter, Yawm al-Furāt, 

in which the Ghassānid princess Fākhita was involved. The best account is the one 


al-Aghānī, which has Fākhita compose the couplet of verses, as recognized by the 

able editor of Jāḥi



al-Ḥayawān.1 But according to Ibn al-Athīr, Yawm al-Furāt 

was an encounter between Shaybān and Taghlib, and a Shaybāni recited a triplet 

of verses.2 The confusion may be resolved by Ibn Habīb, who says in 


that Rabīʿa ibn Hidhar of the Asad tribe led his group for the Ghassānid ʿAdī,3 pre-

sumably as ʿAdī’s allies. This action is confirmed by the triplet cited by Ibn al-Athīr. 

Though he attributed the lines to a Shaybāni, they are more likely to have been said 

by someone else (perhaps Rabīʿa, leader of the Asad). The third verse in the triplet 

probably refers to the death of ʿAdī, lamented by his daughter Fākhita: there the 


Gharīb al-Shām, “the Stranger from al-Shām,” could describe ʿAdī; moreover, 


1  Namely, ʿAbd al-Salām Hārūn; see his edition of al-Jāḥiz, 

Kitāb al-Ḥayawān (Cairo, 1963), VI, 

218 note 6.


2  Ibn al-Athīr, 

al-Kāmil fī al-tārīkh (Beirut, 1965), I, 647–48. A variant of al-Furāt is al-Qurāt.


3  Ibn Ḥabīb, 

Kitab al-Muḥabbar, ed. I. Lichtenstädter (1942; reprint, Beirut, n.d.), 247.


The Women of  Ghassān

the second hemistich, which emphasizes that his relatives lived far away, 


aqāribuh, could easily be referring to Bilād al-Shām, whence ʿAdī came. The third 

verse also mentions the dead man’s liberation of prisoners of war, implying that he 

was a man of influence, as the Ghassānid prince ʿAdī would have been.


Difficulties remain in reconciling the various traditions of the prose accounts. 

But in obedience to Nöldeke’s Law, the definitive evidence is provided by contem-

porary Arabic poetry, represented in the triplet just analyzed, which surely refers 

to a Ghassānid, ʿAdī. The triplet must have been composed by someone in a group 

who fought for the Ghassānids under ʿĀdī. And, as explained in Chapter 2, the 

author must have been someone with a strong emotional bond to the dead man, 

such as his daughter, Fākhita.


Prose Accounts on the Ghassānids



n the reconstruction of the social history of Oriens during the Ghassānid 

phylarchy undertaken in this volume, contemporary Arabic poetry has been the 

principal source;1 among the poets, Ḥassān—specifically, his 

Dīwān—has proved 

to be the most helpful. The Arabic sources of later times, however, include a num-

ber of prose accounts that treat Ghassānid social life.2 These later sources have to be 

used with great care, since in the process of transmission they have suffered inter-

polations, exaggerations, and embroideries. The goal is to reach the kernel of truth 

that they undoubtedly contain, after they are stripped of their later accretions.


The authorship of these prose accounts is ascribed to Ḥassān himself, or 

involves him, as is natural, since he frequented the Ghassānid court every year 

and was intimately familiar with their life and history. This is true of none of the 

other poets who visited the Ghassānids and eulogized them, with the exception of 

al-Nābigha al-Dubyānī, who is also a major source for their social life though less 

important than Ḥassān. 


Ḥassān was the poet laureate not only of the Ghassānids but also of the 

Prophet Muḥammad during the last ten years of his life. Ḥassān survived the 

death of the Prophet, in a.d. 632, living for another thirty years or so, until the 

beginning of the caliphate of Muʿāwiya. The death of the Prophet was a disaster 

for the fortunes of Ḥassān, not recognized by those who have written on the poet.3 

This fact is relevant to the authenticity of these prose accounts attributed to him 

for the following reasons. 


1. Ḥassān ceased to be the only poet of Islam after the conquest of Mecca in 630 


1  In compliance with what I have elsewhere called Nöldeke’s Law for writing the history of the 

Arabs and of Arab-Byzantine relations before the rise of Islam; see 

BASIC II.1, xxvi.


2  The two principal sources are Abu al-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī’s 

al-Aghānī and Ibn ʿAsākir’s Tārīkh 

Madīnat Dimashq. Both belonged to Bilād al-Shām, and naturally paid particular attention to the 

region and to the Ghassānids, who lived there for so long as 

foederati of Byzantium.


3  With the exception of M. T. Darwīsh in 

Ḥassān ibn Thābit, Maktabat al-Dirāsāt al-Adabiyya 43 

(Cairo, n.d.), 205–8.


Prose Accounts on the Ghassānids

and the eventual conversion to Islam of all the Meccan poets who had been his rivals, 

at the head of whom was his archenemy and competitor ʿAbdullāh ibn al-Zibaʿrā.4 

Thus Ḥassān lost his paramountcy as defender of Islam and poet laureate.


2. Ḥassān’s position would not have been so serious if the Prophet had not 

died just two years after the conquest of Mecca. Muḥammad’s death deprived 

Ḥassān of his patron and protector, leaving him isolated and marginalized.


3. After the decisive battle of the Yarmūk in 636, the Oriens of the Ghassānids 

and Byzantium became Arab Muslim territory. With the establishment of the 

first Arab Muslim dynasty in Oriens (now Bilād al-Shām) in Damascus in 661, 

the region and Ghassānland were open to Ḥassān; he visited the founder of the 

Umayyad state, Muʿāwiya, who had made the Ghassānid capital, Jābiya, his own 

capital for twenty years,5 and whose son and crown prince, Yazīd, had married a 

Ghassānid princess, Umm Ramla. So when Ḥassān visited Muʿāwiya, he surely 

must have felt he was visiting the familiar Ghassānland of his previous patrons, 

especially now that he was patronless.


4. Although Ḥassān converted to Islam and became its eloquent spokesman, 

he never forgot his affiliation with his Ghassānid relatives. He often remembered 

them in the most laudatory terms and took pride in his consanguinity with them. 

In fact, in one verse he combined secular pride in the Ghassānids with religious 

pride in Islam.6


The preceding four points have made clear how and why Ḥassān poured 

forth his sentiments on the Ghassānids, providing examples of “emotion recol-

lected in tranquility” and acting as a 

laudator temporis acti. And most of his surviv-

ing poetry on the Ghassānids was written during this period, not before their fall. 

These are the odes that elicited the admiration of the classical critics, who thought 

them better than his Islamic odes. They were set to music in later Islamic times 

and some of them are still judged to be in the front rank of Arabic classical poetry. 

Perhaps the rhyme in 

N, the nūniyya, is the best of his poems that illustrates this 

poetry of reminiscence. It is the only poem in which he mentioned the Yarmūk, 

the river by the fateful battle. After the prelude, he depicts the attractive scene 

at the Ghassānid court, where the young Ghassānid maidens were weaving coral 

wreaths in preparation for Palm Sunday.7


Most of his extant poems on the Ghassānids were written intermittently in 


4  For Ḥassān’s nine rivals, see Ibn Sallām, 

Tabaqāt al-Shuʿarāʾ, ed. M. M. Shākir (Cairo, 1974),  

I, 233–35.


5  When Muʿāwiya became caliph in 661, he moved the capital to Damascus. Ḥassān had been 

pro-Umayyad since the days of the Umayyad caliphate of ʿUthmān (646–656), whom he elegized;  


Dīwān Ḥassān ibn Thābit, ed. W. ʿArafāt, Gibb Memorial New Series 25 (London, 1971), I, 96.


6  See Ḥassān, 

Dīwān, I, 109, verse 8.


7  See ibid., 255, verse 6.


byzantium and the arabs in the sixth century

the course of the thirty years or so after the death of the Prophet, when Ḥassān 

was getting old and was possibly neglected. Then he was afflicted with blindness, 

which made him reluctant to socialize. It was during this time that his own son, 

also a poet, looked after him. As a poet looking after a father who was a poet, 

ʿAbd al-Raḥmān understood that the best therapy for his father’s many ailments, 

physical and psychological, was to create situations that encouraged the old man 

to remember his good old Ghassānid days. The most effective were occasions that 

involved the recitation of his Ghassānid odes, set to music and sung by women. It 

was then that Ḥassān described his life at the Ghassānid court in prose pieces, such 

as the one involving Jabala.


No one has ever cast doubt on these Ghassānid 

poems, and the same stamp 

of authenticity could easily attach to the 

prose compositions attributed to Ḥassān, 

but only after later accretions added to them by storytellers (

quṣṣās) and other 

literary embroiderers have been eliminated. Just as there is no doubt about the 

authorship or authenticity of the poem about the Yarmūk, so must the prose piece 

involving Jabala be treated as genuine. Indeed, the prose pieces are background for 

some of the verses of Ḥassān that describe the 

dolce vita he had experienced at the 

Ghassānid court.


In addition to these prose compositions from the Islamic period, and others 

attributed to him about the Ghassānid court before the fall of the dynasty, some 

artistic prose compositions of Ḥassān on the Ghassānids before their fall also need 

to be seriously entertained as genuine.8 That a poet of Ḥassān’s caliber should have 

left behind some prose composition of an artistic nature should not be surprising. 

Literary history provides examples of poets who were also distinguished prose writ-

ers; in Arabic letters the figures of Abū al-ʿAlāʾ al-Maʿarri in the Orient and Lisān 

al-Dīn ibn al-Khatīb in Andalusia are splendid examples. This is a kind of Arabic 

Kunstprosa, which is of special importance as a rare example of pre-Islamic and 

early Islamic prose, of which only a few fragments have survived. It is noteworthy 

that these prose pieces addressed to the Ghassānid kings are rhymed, a distinctive 

feature of Arabic verse. Rhymed prose was one of the transitional stages between 

prose and metered verse.9 


Ḥassān’s status as the poet laureate of the Prophet Muḥammad and the 


8  One example is the attractive long piece of rhyming prose, addressed to Jabala, in which Ḥassān 

expresses why the Ghassānids were superior to their enemies, the Lakhmids; see Iṣfahānī, 


(Beirut, 1958), XV, 124–25, where the piece is popularly attributed to al-Nābigha but the author of 

al-Aghānī favors its attribution to Ḥassān. The question of attribution is not as important as authenticity 

or genuineness, which may be predicated of this composition. On sources that attribute prose composi-

tions to Ḥassān, see Darwīsh, 

Ḥassān ibn Thābit, 194 note 3.


9  The rhyming prose of the soothsayers

kuhhān, is considered such a stage by historians of pre-

Islamic poetry. The foremost neoclassical poet of modern Arabic poetry, Ahmad Shawqi, wrote in praise 

of rhyme and commended its use in prose by poets, and he followed his own advice.


Prose Accounts on the Ghassānids

defender of Islam in his post-Ghassānid poetry must be remembered when one 

employs his prose as a source for Ghassānid social history. Sometimes this Islamic 

ambience provides the framework within which his prose pieces are presented by 

later Islamic authors. Hence the writings are given a certain twist, even as they 

convey a kernel of the truth provided by Ḥassān. In one of the best-constructed of 

these accounts, Jabala, his Ghassānid patron, is presented as one who had adopted 

Islam but renounced it because he would not consent to being treated as the equal 

of the simple Arab pastoralist who had trodden on his robe. Such twists in the 

accounts are the product of later Islamic piety, and they cannot be taken seriously. 

Even more important is the statement of a Muslim in Medina who heard Ḥassān 

praising the Ghassānids and their hospitality; surprised at Ḥassān’s loyalty and 

admiration for the Ghassānids, he exclaims: “Why do you praise kings who were 

infidels, and whom God has caused to perish?”10 As has been noted in the preced-

ing volume, only a small amount of Ḥassān’s poetry on the Ghassānids in the pre-

Islamic period has survived.11 This outraged exclamation on the part of the pious 

Muslim indicates how perceptions of Ḥassān, as the poet laureate of the Prophet 

of Islam, were distorted in later times, when relations with Christians soured. The 

bad feeling aroused by the Muslim-Byzantine conflict lasting so many centuries 

disinclined later anthologists and collectors of his poetry to preserve his compo-

sitions on the “infidels,” and so they ignored most of them. However, the poems 

were still extant when authors such as al-Jāḥi


z and al-Hamadānī expressed their 

admiration for Ḥassān’s poetry on the Ghassānids.12 They could have made that 

judgment only on the basis of an 

extensive corpus of poems still available to them, 

not on the basis of the few poems that have survived in Ḥassān’s 

Dīwān. Such 

must have been the situation when the well-known critic Aṣmaʿī (d. 828) said that 

Ḥassān’s pre-Islamic poetry on the Ghassānids was much better than that written 

in the Islamic period.13 

Nihāyat al-Arab

Of an entirely different nature is a work on the history of the Arabs and the 

Persians before the rise of Islam that also involved an attempt at a synchronization 

of the history of the two peoples: hence its title, 

Nihāyat al-Arab fi Akhbār al-Furs 

wa al-ʿArab.


The work is said to have been compiled by the famous philologist al-Aṣmaʿī 


10  The account is preserved by Ibn ʿAbd Rabbih in 

al-ʿIqd al-Farid, ed. A. Amīn, I. Abyārī, and  

A. Hārūn (Beirut, 1982), II, 62, verse 4.


11 See 

BASIC II.1, 287. 


12  Ibid., 287–91. 


13  On Aṣmaʿī and his remark, see Darwīsh, 

Ḥassān ibn-Thābit, 503, and Ibn Qutayba, al-Shiʿr wa 

al-Shuʿarāʾ, ed. A. M. Shākir (Cairo, 1966), I, 305.


byzantium and the arabs in the sixth century

for the Abbasid caliph Harūn al-Rashīd.14 In 1879, Theodor Nöldeke, working 

on a manuscript of it in Gotha, dismissed it as 

schwindelhafte (bogus).15 In 1900, 

Edward G. Browne declared that the Sasanid part in this work “appears to merit 

more attention than is implied in the disparaging remarks of Professor Nöldeke.”16 

The work was later noticed by Mario Grignaschi and was consulted more fre-

quently by M. J. Kister in 1980.17


There are four manuscripts of this work: one in Gotha, two in London, 

and one in Cambridge.18 

Nihāyat al-Arab has been published in Iran;19 there is 

apparently only one copy of the text in the United States, at Harvard University’s 

Widener Library. Its account of a Ghassānid wedding20 contains information not 

to be found anywhere else in the sources, and may be briefly summarized as follows.


Al-Nuʿmān ibn Bashīr al-Ansāri21 relates that the caliph Abū Bakr (632–634) 

sent him to Heraclius to convert the emperor to Islam. Al-Nuʿmān traveled to 

Antioch, where Heraclius was staying. Before he and his party met the emperor, 

they lodged in a palace on the roof of which beautiful maidens were dancing; in 

their midst was a beautiful woman with a 

duff, a tambourine, in her hand, who sang 

and recited a couplet of verses. Al-Nuʿmān and his party declined a young man’s 

offer to join the wedding celebration and proceeded on their unsuccessful mission. 


14  Its authorship is attributed to al-Aṣmaʿī the philologist (d. 828), on whom see B. Lewin, 


EI2, I, 717–19. 


15 Nöldeke, 

PAS, 475.


16  See E. G. Browne, 

Hand-list of the Muhammadan Manuscripts, Including All Those Written in the 

Arabic Character, Preserved in the Library of the University of Cambridge (Cambridge, 1900), 241. I share 

Browne’s view. He discussed this work further in “Some Account of the Arabic Work Entitled 


l-irab . . .,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1899), 51–53; (1900), 195–209. 


17  See M. Grignaschi, “La Nihāyatu-l-Arab fi A


hbāri-l-Furs wa-lʿArab,” 

Bulletin des études orientales 

22 (1969), 17–67, and “La Nihāyatu-l-ʾArab fi A


hbāri-l-Furs wa-lʿArab et les Siyaru Mulūki-l-ʿAgam du 

Ps. Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ,” 

Bulletin des études orientales 26 (1973), 83–184; for M. J. Kister’s notice of the 

London Manuscript at the British Museum, see “Some Reports Concerning Mecca from Jāhiliyya to 

Islam,” in 

Studies in Jāhiliyya and Islam, Variorum Reprints (London, 1980), 61–93. 


18  Nöldeke refers to the Gotha manuscript as Goth.A 1741 (

PAS, 475). The two manuscripts in 

London are British Library, Add. 18,505 and 23,298 (while reading the second, I noted that the leaf 

in which the description of the wedding occurs is missing). The Cambridge manuscript number in 


Hand-list is No. 1201. Nöldeke (PAS) and Browne (Hand-list) read one word in the title as 

Irab; Gringaschi (“La Nihāyatu-l-Arab fi A


hbāri-l-Furs wa-lʿArab”) reads it 

Arab, which rhymes better 

(and is indeed almost a homophone) with the second word, ʿArab. Each provided a reading of the word, 

which was unvocalized, without discussion.


19  Edited by Muḥammad Taqī Dāneshpazhuh, who used only the two MSS in the British Library 

(Tehran, a.h. 1375 [1955–56]). In his introduction, he discusses the work’s authorship and refers to its 

Persian translation, 

Tajārub al-Umam fi Akhbār Mulūk al-ʿArab wa al-ʿAjam, ed. R. Anzabinijād and  

Y. Kalantari (Tehran, n.d.). 


20  On weddings in Byzantium, see W. Treadgold, “The Bride-shows of the Byzantine Emperors,” 

Byzantion 49 (1979), 395–413; see also L. Rydén, “The Bride-shows at the Byzantine Court—History 

or Fiction?” 

Eranos 83 (1985), 175–91.


21  See K. V. Zettersteen, “al-Nuʿmān Ibn Bashīr,” 

EI2, VIII, 118–19. 


Prose Accounts on the Ghassānids

Some thirty years later, Muʿāwiya, now the ruler of the region, sent al-Nuʿmān on 

a mission to Antioch. He found the spot where he had met Heraclius desolate and 

the palace in ruins. He met then a blind old woman whom he asked to identify 

herself, which she did in a couplet of verses in which she said she was al-Dalfāʾ, the 

daughter of Jarwal, who was a lord among the Ghassānids. Al-Nuʿmān reminisced 

on his earlier visit, and the woman told him that the wedding he had witnessed 

then was that of her sister, who was being married to her cousin, a Ghassānid, and 

that the young man who had offered him hospitality was her own brother.22 If 

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