1 Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn 200 Years Together Russo-Jewish History
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Israel has ascended in their minds and Soviet Jews awoke to their spiritual and consanguineous kinship [with Israel]. But the Soviet authorities, furious at Nasser’s disgraceful defeat, immediately attacked Soviet Jews with the thundering campaign against the “Judeo-Zionist-Fascism,” insinuating that all the Jews were “Zionists” and claiming that the “global conspiracy” of Zionism “is the expected and inevitable product of the entirety of Jewish history, Jewish religion, and the
of racial supremacy and apartheid, Judaism turned out to be a very convenient religion for securing world dominance.” 93
The campaign on TV and in the press was accompanied by a dramatic break of diplomatic relations with Israel. The Soviet Jews had many reasons to fear: “It looked like it was going to come to calls for a pogrom.” 94
But underneath this scare a new and already unstoppable explosion of Jewish national consciousness was growing and developing. “Bitterness, resentment, anger, and the sense of social insecurity were accruing for a final break up which would lead to complete severing of all ties with [this] country and [this] society – to emigration.” 95
“The victory of the Israeli Army contributed to the awakening of national consciousness among the many thousands of almost completely assimilated Soviet Jews …. The process of national revival has began …. The activity of Zionist groups in cities all across the country surged …. In 1969, there were attempts to create a united Zionist Organization *in the USSR+ …. An increasing number of Jews applied to emigrate to Israel.” 96
And the numerous refusals to grant exit visas led to the failed attempt to hijack an airplane on June 15, 1970. The following “Dymshits-Kuznetsov hijacking affair” can be considered a historic landmark in the fate of Soviet Jewry.
1 Краткая Еврейская Энциклопедия (далее — КЕЭ). Иерусалим: Общество по исследованию еврейских общин, 1996. Т. 8, с. 256. 2 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе с начала Второй мировой войны (1939 -1965). Нью-Йорк: Изд. Американского Еврейского Рабочего Комитета, 1966, с. 247. 3 Там же, с. 247-248. 4 Хрущёв и еврейский вопрос // Социалистический вестник, Нью-Йорк, 1961, № 1, с. 20. 5 КЕЭ, т. 8, с. 257. 6 Хрущёв и еврейский вопрос // Социалистический вестник, 1961, № 1, с. 20. 7 Слова Н.С. Хрущёва приведены в отчёте переводчика французской делегации Пьера Лошака: Rea lites, Paris, Mai 1957, p. 64-67, 101-104. — Мы цитируем их в обратном переводе «Социалистического вестника» (1961, № 1, с. 21). 365
8 J.B. Salsberg, Talks with Soviet Leaders on the Jewish Question // Jewish Life, Febr. 1957. — Цит. в переводе «Соц. вестника» (1961, № 1, с. 20). 9 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…*, с. 250. 10 Там же*, с. 249-251. 11 Там же, с. 241, 272. 12 Ю. Штерн. Ситуация неустойчива и потому опасна: *Интервью+ // “22″: Общественно -политический и литературный журнал еврейской интеллигенции из СССР в Израиле. Тель-Авив, 1984, № 38, с. 132. 13 Andrew Handler. Where Familiarity with Jews Breeds Contempt // Red Star, Blue Star: The Lives and Times of Jewish Students in Communist Hungary (1948-1956). New-York: Columbia University Press, 1997, p. 36-37. 14 Л. Шапиро. Евреи в Советской России после Сталина // Книга о русском еврействе, 1917 -1967 (далее — КРЕ-2). Нью-Йорк: Союз Русских Евреев, 1968, с. 360-361. 15 David Burg. Die Judenfrage in Der Sowjetunion // Der Anti -kommunist, Miinchen, Juli -August 1957, № 12, S.35.
16 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…*, с. 238. 17 Там же, с. 283-287; КЕЭ, т. 8, с. 258. 18 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…, с. 281. 19 Э. Финкелъштейн. Евреи в СССР: Путь в Двадцать первый век // Страна и мир: Обществ.-политический, экономический и культурно-философский журнал. Мюнхен, 1989, № 1, с. 65-66. 20 Л. Шапиро. Евреи в Советской России после Сталина // КРЕ-2, с. 379-380. 21 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…, с. 280, 288. 22 Э. Финкелъштейн. Евреи в СССР: Путь в Двадцать первый век // Страна и мир, 1989, № 1, с. 66. 23 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…, с. 304-308. 24 КЕЭ, т. 8, с. 259. 25 Л. Шапиро. Евреи в Советской России после Сталина // КРЕ-2, с. 358. 26 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…, с. 290. 27 Там же, с. 294-296. 28 КЕЭ, т. 8, с. 258. 29 Антисемитский памфлет в Советском Союзе // Социалистический вестник, 1965, № 4, с. 67. 30 Антисемитский памфлет в Советском Союзе // Социалистический вестник*, 1965, № 4, с. 68 -73. 31 В Идеологической комиссии при ЦК КПСС // Правда, 1964, 4 апреля, с. 4. 32 Об одной непонятной шумихе // Известия, 1964, 4 апреля, с. 4. 33 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…, с. 303.
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34 Российская Еврейская Энциклопедия. 2-е изд., испр. и доп. М., 1994. Т. 1, с. 448. 35 Р. Рутман. Кольцо обид // Новый журнал, Нью-Йорк. 1974. № 117, с. 185. 36 И. Домальский. Технология ненависти // Время и мы (далее — ВМ): Международный журнал литературы и общественных проблем. Тель-Авив. 1978, № 26, с. 113-114. 37 КЕЭ, т. 8, с. 298, 300. 38 И. Ляст. Алия из СССР — демографические прогнозы // “22″, 1981, № 21, с. 112-113. 39 Г. Розенблюм, В. Перельман. Крушение Чуда: причины и следствия*: *Беседа+ // ВМ, Тель-Авив, 1977, № 24, с. 120. 40 Л. Шапиро. Евреи в Советской России после Сталина // КРЕ-2, с. 346. 41 КЕЭ, т. 8, с. 300. 42 Э. Финкельштейн. Евреи в СССР… // Страна и мир, 1989, № 1, с. 65. 43 Н. Шапиро. Слово рядового советского еврея // Русский антисемитизм и евреи: Сборник. Лондон, 1968, с. 55. 44 КЕЭ, т. 8, с. 190. 45 Народное хозяйство СССР в 1963 году: Статистический ежегодник. М.: Статистика, 1965, с. 579. 46 Народное хозяйство СССР в 1969 году. М., 1970, с. 690; Народное хозяйство СССР в 1972 году. М., 1972, с. 651.
47 И. Домальский. Технология ненависти // ВМ, Тель-Авив, 1978, №25, с. 120. 48 Э. Финкелъштейн. Евреи в СССР… // Страна и мир, 1989, № 1, с. 66. 49 А. Нов, Жд. Ньют. Еврейское население СССР: демографическое развитие и профессиональная занятость // Евреи в Советской России (1917-1967). Израиль: Библиотека «Алия», 1975, с. 180. 50 Михаил Хейфец. Место и время (еврейские заметки)*. Париж: Третья волна, 1978, с. 63 -65, 67, 70. 51 Л. Шапиро. Евреи в Советской России после Сталина // КРЕ-2, с. 363. 52 Там же. 53 New York Times, 1965, October 21, p. 47. 54 В. Перельман. О либералах в советских верхах // ВМ, Нью-Йорк, 1985, № 87, с. 147. 55 Э. Финкелъштейн. Евреи в СССР… // Страна и мир, 1989, № 1, с. 66. 56 Л. Шапиро. Евреи в Советской России после Сталина // КРЕ-2, с. 362. 57 КЕЭ, т. 8, с. 261. 58 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…, с. 326-327, 329. 59 КЕЭ, т. 8, с. 261. 367
60 Н. Шапиро. Слово рядового советского еврея // Русский антисемитизм и евреи, с. 55. 61 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…, с. 330-333. 62 Там же, с. 333-334. 63 Обмен письмами между Б. Расселом и Н.С. Хрущёвым // Правда, 1963, 1 марта, с. 1. 64 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…, с. 421-422. 65 Э. Финкельштейн. Евреи в СССР… // Страна и мир. 1989, № 1, с. 65. 66 Э. Финкельштейн. Евреи в СССР… // Страна и мир, 1989, № 1, с. 66 -67. 67 Н. Шапиро. Слово рядового советского еврея // Русский антисемитизм и евреи, с. 48, 55. 68 Социалистический вестник, 1959, № 12, с. 240-241. 69 Д. Штурман. Советский антисемитизм — причины и прогнозы: *Семинар+ // “22″, 1978, № 3, с. 180. 70 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…, с. 395. 71 Э. Финкелъштейн. Евреи в СССР… // Страна и мир, 1989, № 1, с. 64-65. 72 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…, с. 372, 409. 73 Михаил Хейфец. Новая «аристократия»? // Грани: Журнал литературы, искусства, науки и общ.- политической мысли. Франкфурт-на-Майне, 1987, № 146, с. 189. 74 КЕЭ, т. 8, с. 262-263. 75 R. Rutman // Soviet Jewish Affairs, London, 1974, Vol. 4, № 2, p. 11. 76 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…, с. 371. 77 Соответственно: Новый мир, 1964, № 12; Мария Рольникайте. Я должна рассказать // Звезда, 1965, № 2 и № 3. 78 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…, с. 373. 79 КЕЭ, т. 8, с. 262, 264. 80 Там же, с. 295, 302. 81 Г. Розенблюм. Крушение Чуда…: *Беседа с В. Перелъманом+ // ВМ, Тель-Авив, 1977, №24, с. 120. 82 Л. Цигельман-Дымерская. Советский антисемитизм — причины и прогнозы: *Семинар+ // “22″, 1978, №3, с. 175. 83 Ю. Штерн. Ситуация неустойчива…: *Интервью+ // “22″, 1984, № 38, с. 135. 84 Л. Шапиро. Евреи в Советской России после Сталина // КРЕ-2, с. 379. 85 Ю. Штерн. Двойная ответственность: *Интервью+ // “22″, 1981, № 21, с. 127. 86 “22″*, 1978, № 1, с. 204.
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87 А. Этерман. Истина с близкого расстояния // “22″, 1987, № 52, с. 112. 88 А. Щаранский. *Интервью+ // “22″, 1986, № 49. с. 111-112. 89 Б. Орлов. Не те вы учили алфавиты // ВМ, Тель-Авив, 1975, № 1, с. 129, 132-133. 90 В. Богуславский. Галуту — с надеждой // “22″, 1985, № 40, с. 133, 134. 91 С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…, с. 415. 92 Г. Файн. В роли высокооплачиваемых швейцаров // ВМ, Тель-Авив. 1976, № 12. с. 133-134. 93 Р. Нудельман. Советский антисемитизм — причины и прогнозы: *Семинар+ // “22″, 1978, № 3, с. 144. 94 Э. Финкельштейн. Евреи в СССР… // Страна и мир, 1989, № 1, с. 67. 95 Там же. 96 КЕЭ, т. 8. с. 267.
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Chapter 24: Breaking away from Bolshevism At the beginning of the 20 th century, Europe imagined itself to be on the threshold of worldwide enlightenment. No one could have predicted the strength with which nationalism would explode in that very century among all nations of the world. One hundred years later it seems nationalist feelings are not about to die soon (the very message that international socialists have been trying to drum into our heads for the whole century), but instead are gaining strength. Yet, does not the multi-national nature of humanity provide variety and wealth? Erosion of nations surely would be an impoverishment for humanity, the entropy of the spirit. (And centuries of the histories of national cultures would then turn into irredeemably dead and useless antics.) The logic that it would be easier to manage such a uniform mankind fails by its petty reductionism. However, the propaganda in the Soviet empire harped non-stop in an importunately- triumphant manner about the imminent withering away and amalgamation of nations, proclaiming that no “national question” exists in our country, and that there is certainly no “Jewish question.” Yet why should not the Jewish question exist — the question of the unprecedented three- thousand-year-old existence of the nation, scattered all over the Earth, yet spiritulally soldered together despite all notions of the state and territoriality, and at the same time influencing the entire world history in the most lively and powerful way? Why should there not be a “Jewish question” given that all national questions come up at one time or other, even the “Gagauz question” *a small Christian Turkic people, who live in the Balkans and Eastern Europe]? Of course, no such silly doubt could ever arise, if the Jewish question were not the focus of many different political games. The same was true for Russia too. In pre-revolutionary Russian society, as we saw, it was the omission of the Jewish question that was considered “anti-Semitic.” In fact, in the mind of the Russian public the Jewish question — understood as the question of civil rights or civil equality — developed into perhaps the central question of the whole Russian public life of that period, and certainly into the central node of the conscience of every individual, its acid test. With the growth of European socialism, all national issues were increasingly recognized as merely regrettable obstacles to that great doctrine; all the more was the Jewish question (directly attributed to capitalism by Marx) considered a bloated hindrance. Mommsen wrote that in the circles of “Western-Russian socialist Jewry,” as he put it, even the slightest attempt to discuss the Jewish question was branded as “reactionary” and “anti-Semitic” (this was even before the Bund). Such was the iron standard of socialism inherited by the USSR. From 1918 the communists forbade (under threat of imprisonment or death) any separate treatment or consideration of
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the Jewish question (except sympathy for their suffering under the Tsars and positive attitudes for their active role in communism). The intellectual class voluntarily and willingly adhered to the new canon while others were required to follow it. This cast of thought persisted even through the Soviet-German war as if, even then, there was not any particular Jewish question. And even up to the demis e of the USSR under Gorbachev, the authorities used to repeat hard-headedly: no, there is no Jewish question, no, no, no! (It was replaced by the “Zionist question.”) Yet already by the end of the World War II, when the extent of the destruction of the Jews under Hitler had dawned on the Soviet Jews, and then through Stalin’s “anti-cosmopolitan” campaign of the late 1940s, the Soviet intelligentsia realized that the Jewish question in the USSR does exist! And the pre-revolutionary understanding — that it is central to Russian society and to the conscience of every individual and that it is the “true measure of humanity” 1 — was also restored. In the West it was only the leaders of Zionism who confidently talked from the late 19 th
century about the historical uniqueness and everlasting relevance of the Jewish question (and some of them at the same time maintained robust links with diehard European socialism). And then the emergence of the state of Israel and the consequent storms around it added to the confusion of naive socialist minds of Europeans. Here I offer two small but at the time quite stirring and typical examples. In one episode of so-called “the dialogue between the East and the West” show (a clever Cold-War-period programme, where Western debaters were opposed by Eastern-European officials or novices who played off official nonsense for their own sincere convictions) in the beginning of 1967, a Slovak writer, Ladislav Mnacko, properly representing the socialist East, wittily noted that he never in his life had any conflict with the Communist authorities, except one case when his driver’s license was suspended for a traffic violation. His French opponent angrily said that at least in one other case, surely Mnacko should be in the opposition: when the uprising in neighboring Hungary was drowned in blood. But no, the suppression of Hungarian Uprising neither violated the peace of Mnacko’s mind, nor did it force him to say anything sharp or impudent. Then, a few months passed after the “dialogue” and the Six-Day War broke out. At that point the Czechoslovak Government of Novotny, all loyal Communists, accused Israel of aggression and severed diplomatic relations with it. And what happened next? Mnacko — a Slovak married to a Jew — who had calmly disregarded the suppression of Hungary before, now was so outraged and agitated that he left his homeland and as a protest went to live in Israel. The second example comes from the same year. A famous French socialist, Daniel Meyer, at the moment of the Six-Day War had written in Le Monde, that henceforth he is: 1) ashamed to be a socialist — because of the fact that the Soviet Union calls itself a socialist country (well, when the Soviet Union was exterminating not only its own people but also other
political position of de Gaulle); and, 3) ashamed to be a human (wasn’t that too much?), and ashamed of all except being a Jew. 2
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We are ready to accept both Mnacko’s outrage and Meyer’s anger, yet we would like to point out at the extreme intensity of their feelings — given the long history of their obsequious condoning of communism. Surely, the intensity of their feelings is also an aspect of the Jewish question in the 20 th century. So in what way ”did the Jewish question not exist”? If one listened to American radio broadcasts aimed at the Soviet Union from 1950 to the 1980s, one might conclude that there was no other issue in the Soviet Union as important as the Jewish question. (At the same time in the United States, where the Jews “can be described as … the most privileged minority” and where they “gained an unprecedented status, the majority of [American Jews] still claimed that hatred and discrimination by their Christian compatriots was a grim fact of the modern life” 3 ; yet because it would sound incredible if stated aloud, then the Jewish question does not exist, and to notice it and talk about it is unnecessary and improper.) We have to get used to talking about Jewish question not in a hush and fearfully, but clearly, articulately and firmly. We should do so not overflowing with passion, but sympathetically aware of both the unusual and difficult Jewish world history and centuries of our Russian history that are also full of significant suffering. Then the mutual prejudices, sometimes very intense, would disappear and calm reason would reign. Working on this book, I can’t help but notice that the Jewish question has been omnipresent in world history and it never was a national question in the narrow sense like all other national questions, but was always — maybe because of the nature of Judaism? — interwoven into something much bigger. ***
When in the late 1960s I mused about the fate of the communist regime and felt that yes, it is doomed, my impression was strongly supported by the observation that so many Jews had already abandoned it. There was a period when they persistently and in unison supported the Soviet regime, and at that time the future definitely belonged to it. Yet now the Jews started to defect from it, first the thinking individuals and later the Jewish masses. Was this not a sure sign that the years of the Soviet rule are numbered? Yes, it was. So when exactly did it happen that the Jews, once such a reliable backbone of the regime, turned into almost its greatest adversary? Can we say that the Jews always struggled for freedom? No, for too many of them were the most zealous communists. Yet now they turned their backs on it. And without them, the ageing Bolshevist fanaticism had not only lost some of its fervor, it actually ceased to be fanatical at all, rather it became lazy in the Russian way. After the Soviet-German War, the Jews became disappointed by Communist power: it turned out that they were worse off than before. We saw the main stages of this split.
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Initially, the support of the newborn state of Israel by the USSR had inspired the Soviet Jews. Then came the persecution of the “cosmopolitans” and the mainly Jewish intelligentsia (not the philistine masses yet) began to worry: communism pushes the Jews aside? oppresses them? The terrible threat of massacre by Stalin overwhelmed them as well — but it was short-lived and miraculously disappeared very soon. During the “interregnum,” *following Stalin’s death+ and then under Khrushchev, Jewish hopes were replaced by dissatisfaction and the promised stable improvement failed to materialize. And then the Six-Day War broke out with truly biblical force, rocking both Soviet and world Jewry, and the Jewish national consciousness began to grow like an avalanche. After the Six- Day War, “much was changed … the action acquired momentum. Letters and petitions began to flood Soviet and international organizations. National life was revived: during the holidays it became difficult to get into a synagogue, underground societies sprang up to study Jewish history, culture and Hebrew.” 4
and so the resentment grew among the Jews toward that increasingly alien and abominable and dull Bolshevism — where did such a monster come from? Indeed, for many educated Jews the departure from communism was painful as it is always difficult to part with an ideal — after all, was not it a “great, and perhaps inevitable, planetary experiment initiated in Russia in 1917; an experiment, based on ancient attractive and obviously high ideas, not all of which were faulty and many still retain their beneficial effect to this day…. Marxism requires educated minds.” 5
Many Jewish political writers strongly favored the term “Stalinism” — a convenient form to justify the earlier Soviet regime. It is difficult to part with the old familiar and sweet things, if it is really possible at all. There have been attempts to increase the influence of intellectuals on the ruling elite. Such was the Letter to the XXIII Congress (of the Communist Party) by G. Pomerants (1966). The letter asked the Communist Party to trust the “scientific and creative intelligentsia,” that “desires not anarchy but the rule of law … that wants not to destroy the existing system but to make it more flexible, more rational, more humane” and proposed to establish an advisory think tank, which would generally consult the executive leadership of the country. 6
The offer remained unanswered. And many souls long ached for such a wasted opportunity with such a “glorious” past. But there was no longer any choice . And so the Soviet Jews split away from communism. And now, while deserting it, they turned against it. And that was such a perfect opportunity — they could themselves, with expurgatory repentance, acknowledge their formerly active and cruel role in the triumph of communism in Russia. Yet almost none of them did (I discuss the few exceptions below). The above-mentioned collection of essays, Russia and the Jews, so heartfelt, so much needed and so timely when published in 1924 was fiercely denounced by Jewry. And even today, according to the opinion of the erudite scholar, Shimon Markish: “these days, nobody dares to defend those |
