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parties’ expense.

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■ Fourth, the classical traditions of party development that required a “collective
propagandist, agitator, and organizer” forced the new party to pay particular attention to
its newspaper, XXI asr (the 21st Century). This multicolored publication with a circulation
of 4,000 invites popular authors to discuss foreign and domestic issues. There is the
opinion that it is gradually becoming the best in its class. In addition, the newspaper
publishers instructed the editors to concentrate on critical articles irrespective of the people
involved.22 For the first time since the Fidokor newspaper, as it was in 1999, the 21st
Century analyzes the strategy and tactics of other political parties.
■ Fifth, the party is busy establishing a network of consulting offices and expert
groups for offering advice, including legal advice, to the public. This obviously attracts
people. It is quite natural for the “party of power” to set up a network of public offices
designed to help resolve conflicts, especially those in the business sphere. The MEB-
LDPU invited experts and economists to elaborate party mini-platforms for the regions,
discuss them with the local party cells, and blend them into a single party platform. In light
of the very low level of legal knowledge in the business community, the party set up so-
called emergency legal aid stations to help small businessmen (potential voters) cope with
bureaucrats (read: corruption and arbitrary rule).
The new party has blundered in the process of its development. To my mind it
was wrong to decline the services of people with rich experience in party work (in the
NDPU, for example). This is especially obvious in the regional party organizations. These
faults became clear in May 2004 when the post of party leader (filled by K. Toshmatov)
went to M. Akhmedjanov, general director of the Tashkent Tractor Works (one of the
largest enterprises in Uzbekistan), who in the Soviet past worked on the regional
committee of the C.P.S.U. and, later, in the NDPU. It seems that this correct step will
strengthen the party ideologically and organizationally. It would hardly be wise for the party
to invite entrepreneurs, its main contingent, to become party functionaries. If it wins the
elections it will have to organize systematic training of its core at courses or even party
schools.
III
Political parties and initiative groups will nominate their candidates to the
Legislative Assembly (the lower chamber); the Senate (the upper chamber) is formed
according to a more complicated scheme: each region is represented by six senators
elected by district, city, and regional councils of people’s deputies.23 It seems that as a
result, the khokims (governors, mayors, and administration heads)—the most influential
actors in the election process—will find themselves among the senators rather than among
the lower chamber deputies. Since this convocation of the Legislative Assembly will be the
first professional parliament in Uzbekistan, administrative influence will mostly be felt at
the municipal level. This will probably give more freedom to the central structures of all
political parties when it comes to nominating candidates to the parliament (the lower
chamber especially).
The role of the political parties in the upper chamber remains unclear so far: the
senators will have to speak for their regions, the interests of which are not always identical
to the interests of the parties that nominated them. Indeed, the interests of two senators
from different parties representing the same council may clash over, say, communal
tariffs.24 They will find it impossible to remain loyal to their parties and to the region at one
and the same time.
22 For example, one of the issues carried an open letter to the Governor of the
Tashkent Region K. Tuliaganov and some other equally highly critical documents.
23 According to the election laws, it is the task of the Central Election Committee
to establish the election procedure. It is its responsibility to guarantee that the laws are

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observed in the process and to prevent the executive structures from interfering in the
process.
24 The NDPU presents itself as a party which takes the interests of the most
vulnerable social groups to heart.
All parties want to see local administrators among their members—the presence
of regional elites makes parties stronger.25 The Liberal-Democratic Party went as far as
inviting Vice Premier Sh. Mirzi-iaev to join its ranks. At the same time, political parties have
been given the opportunity for the first time in recent history to take part in the executive
structures.
The constitutional reform will upgrade the role of the local councils of people’s
deputies; it will contribute to the division of power at the provincial level and strengthen the
so-called party groups.26 This will happen if the state gives more rights to the local councils
and party groups to appoint people to important administrative posts, deal with financial
(budget) issues, etc. The relations between the party groups and the local offices of the
same party will be regulated to the extent they affect (directly or indirectly) the legislative
process.27
The interests of all the political parties will clash during the elections, while their
programs and the images of their leaders will either lead the party to victory or defeat. As
distinct from the 1999 elections, people will vote for platforms which not only outline the
most urgent problems (the minimum per capita consumption and subsistence level, civil
service reform, etc.), but also show how to cope with them. The leaders will have to learn
how to talk to their potential supporters.
There are four main criteria that can be applied to any party’s organizational
activities: the number of events, the number of people attracted by them, media coverage,
and the expert community’s opinion. An analysis of the election activities of the political
parties carried out in May-June 200428 produced the following results. The NDPU is very
influential in the Navoi and Bukhara regions; Fidokorlar (NDPF) in the Samarkand Region
and Tashkent; the Social-Democratic Adolat Party (SDAP) in the Samarkand and
Tashkent regions; the Milly Tiklanish Democratic Party (MTDP) in the Tashkent and
Ferghana regions; and the Liberal-Democratic Party (LDPU) in the Djizak and Khorezm
regions. The table below presents the ratings of the political parties’ organizational
activity.29
T Party 10 May 20 May 30 May 10 June 20 June ^ Average
NDPU 15 7 22 15 16 13
NDPF 4 15 9 7 11 9.2
LDPU 12 17 7 11 15 12.4
MTDP 6 6 13 10 9 8.8
^ SDAP 3 12 5 7 10 7.4 X
Obviously, just like 13 years ago, the NDPU is still the most active among the
parties; the low rating of the SDAP can probably be explained by the looseness of its grass-
root structures.
25 The first Political Council of the MEB-LDPU included the khokims of the
Khorezm, Surkhandarya, Samarkand, and Djizak regions. So far, the party has betrayed
no intention of inviting heads of district and city administrations to join its ranks.
26 Everything said about the local councils being ill-prepared to accept the reforms
is not true. On many occasions the local councils (especially in Tashkent, Chirchik,

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Samarkand, and elsewhere) did not agree with regional administrations, public
prosecutors, and other officials.
27 According to the republican laws, people join parties as individual members,
yet the laws say nothing about certain sides of the activity of parliamentary factions and
party groups. In the future, the parties’ greater involvement in state administration will
require further specification of certain contradictory issues (related to deputies who change
factions, deputies’ responsibility to their factions, etc.).
28 Similar analyses were conducted in the past, too. This one was organized on
the eve of the enactment of the new Law on Elections to the Oliy Majlis (which entered into
force on 1 July, 2004); for this reason it seems to be more accurate and free from
administrative influence.
29 The rating was based on the four factors enumerated above (number of events;
number of people involved; media coverage; expert opinion).
i
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литературы.
I believe that the position of the NDPU will depend on its youth wing.30 At the
same time, the local mentality and profound respect for the elderly will preserve the party’s
image “as the party of wise men” for a long time. With its highly organized structure and a
vast staff of functionaries, many of whom worked in the communist party structures, the