F eminist and g ender t heories
SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY IN THE CONTEMPORARY ERA
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SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY IN THE CONTEMPORARY ERA
forms in which it is recognizable within institu- tional discourse. For example, when teachers are in training they learn a vocabulary and analytic procedures that accomplish the classroom in the institutional mode. They learn to analyze and name the behavior of students as “appropriate” or “inappropriate” and to analyze and name their own (and others’) responses. In responding to “inappropriate” behavior, they have been taught to avoid “undermining the student’s ego” and hence to avoid such practices as “sarcasm.” They should, rather, be “supportive.” This ideological package provides a procedure for subsuming what goes on in the classroom under professional educational discourse, making classroom pro- cesses observable-reportable within an institu- tional order. vi In this way the work and practical reasoning of individuals and the locally accom- plished order that is their product become an expression of the non-local relations of the pro- fessional and bureaucratic discourse of the ruling apparatus. The accountability procedures of institutions make some things visible, while others as much a part of the overall work organization that per- forms the institution do not come into view at all or as other than themselves. Local practices glossed by the categories of the discourse are provided with boundaries of observability beneath which a subterranean life continues. What is observable does not appear as the work of individuals, and not all the work and practices of individuals become observable. When my son was in elementary school, his homework one day was to write up an experiment he had done in science class that day. He asked me how to do it and I replied (not very helpfully), “Well, just write down everything you did.” He told me not to be so stupid. “Of course,” he said, “they don’t mean you write about everything, like about fill- ing the jar with water from the tap and taking it to the bench.” Clearly there were things done around the doing of an experiment that were essential to, but not entered into or made account- able within, the “experimental procedure.” Its boundaries were organized conceptually to select from a locally indivisible work process, some aspects to be taken as part of the experiment and others to be discounted. All were done. All were necessary. But only some were to be made observable-reportable within the textual mode of the teaching of science. In like ways, institu- tional ideologies analyze local settings, drawing boundaries and the like. They provide analytic procedures for those settings that attend selec- tively to work processes, thus making only selec- tive aspects of them accountable within the institutional order. vi See Garfinkel, Studies in Ethnomethodology. p atricia h ill c ollins (1948– ): a B ioGraphical s ketch Patricia Hill Collins was born in 1948 and grew up in a working-class family in Philadelphia. She earned her B.A. from Brandeis University in 1969 and her M.A.T. from Harvard University in 1970. Collins worked as a schoolteacher and curriculum specialist before returning to graduate school and receiving her Ph.D. in sociology from Brandeis University in 1984. It was in teaching a course called “The Black Woman” to middle-school girls in 1970 that Collins realized not only the dearth of teaching materials by and about black women, but also the significance of this dearth. The exclusion of black women from intel- lectual discourses became the subject of her first book, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment (1990), which won the Jessie Bernard Award of the American Sociological Association for significant scholarship in gender as well as the C. Wright Mills Award from the Society for the Study of Social Problems. In this highly acclaimed book (excerpts from which you will read below), Collins illuminates the rich, self-defined intellectual tradition of black women, which, she argues, has persisted |
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