A prep course for the month-long World Cup soccer tournament, a worldwide pheno

e was not used was hired by Amador as a confidential assistant and worked as one

 of his four staff members from March 11 , 1991 until she was fired February 18 

, 1993 . The day before she was let go , Feb. 17 , the woman complained of sexua

l harassment to an equal employment opportunity ( EEO ) counselor at the Merit S

ystems Protection Board , claiming that she was sexually harassed `` over a one-

year period both in the office and off federal premises . '' Although the letter

 does not describe the alleged harassment , sources said she complained that Ama

dor made `` unwanted physical contact '' with the woman , made sexually offensiv

e remarks , and suggested at least once that they spend the night together . The

 date after the woman sought EEO counseling , the letter said , Amador fired her

 and ordered her escorted out of the office immediately . Amador , according to 

the letter sent to the White House , told the subcommittee that he informed the 

assistant several days earlier , on Feb. 9 , that he `` had lost confidence in h

er '' and requested that she look for another job . On that day , according to t

he letter , Amador also gave the employee a superior performance rating . In ano

ther letter , to Rep. William Zeliff , R-N.H. , Amador said he gave the employee

 a good job rating simply to help her find a new position and then decided to sh

orten the 30-day period because `` she brazenly tried to coerce me , by threats 

of a fabricated sexual harassment complaint , into keeping her employed . '' Aft

er her dismissal , the woman retained a lawyer and negotiated a sealed settlemen

t agreement under which she was reinstated , assigned to a regional office , and

 received a cash payment of $ 17,500 .

 Gallagher interviewed dozens of men and women to document the U.S. government '

s callous exposure of citizens in Nevada and Utah to radiation from above-ground

 nuclear tests during 1950s . Soldiers were sent into `` hot '' areas shortly af

ter detonation to retrieve equipment . Civilians in nearby towns came to watch t

he blasts and the strange , pinkish clouds of dust and ash that killed sheep by 

the thousand . Since then , local residents have suffered from abnormally high i

ncidents of cancer , autoimmune diseases , reproductive problems , hormonal imba

lances , nerve damage and birth defects . They bitterly recall how their governm

ent used them as expendable guinea pigs , then lied about it . This deeply distu

rbing book only begins to explore one of the most shameful episodes of the Cold 

War : Many of the men recall seeing cages near ground zero that held chained ani

mals and humans . -0- `` The Three-Inch Golden Lotus , '' by Feng Jicai translat

ed from the Chinese by Eugene M. Kayden ( University of Hawaii Press , $ 12.95 ,

 239 pp. , paperback original ) . Foot-bound girls had their toes bent under the

ir arches and the balls of their feet pressed against the fronts of their heels 

to produce a small , deformed grub of flesh that became the object of a national

 fetish in China . Feng Jicai 's curious novel exposes the cruelty of the practi

ce and the weird sexual-aesthetic response it evoked . As a child , Golden Lotus

 screams in pain when her feet are bound , breaking many of the bones . But her 

tiny feet enable her to marry the son of a wealthy merchant , and Golden Lotus u

ses her position as an object of desire to gain power over her decadent in-laws 

. Feng 's sardonic prose contrasts her calculating intelligence with the shallow

ness of the men , who extol the details of her shoes like connoisseurs praising 

an antique vase . -0- `` THE D-DAY ATLAS : The Definitive Account of the Allied 

Invasion of Normandy , '' by John Man ( Facts on File , $ 15.95 , 143 pp. , illu

strated , paperback original ) . June 6 , 1944 , marked a turning point in World

 War II . The success of D-day was the result of the growing strength of the All

ies , an ingenious hoax that played on Hitler 's certainty that Calais would be 

the site of any attempted landing , the ineffective German command structure , t

he interruption of communications by French Resistance sabotage and plain luck .

 Man uses maps and contemporary photographs to supplement his description of the

 preparations , the invasion and its aftermath , which lead to the defeat of the

 Nazi Reich . -0- `` SLIM 'S TABLE : Race , Respectability , and Masculinity , '

' by Mitchell Duneier ( University of Chicago Press , $ 9.95 , 200 pp. , illustr

ated ) . In this modest study of working-class men , Duneier argues , `` Black m

en are badly misunderstood , probably no less because of the well-meaning libera

l media 's constant barrage of images showing how bad things have become to Repu

blican advertisements indicating that liberals have placed killers like Willie H

orton back on the streets . '' Slim and his friends are unassuming men who socia

lize in a cafeteria at the edge of the Chicago ghetto . Unlike the media images 

of black males as dope peddlers , gangbangers and felons , they believe in hones

ty , hard work and `` modes of conduct that testify to respectability . '' Dunei

er presents a brief look at a neglected sector of society that offers much-neede

d role models for teen-age boys of all races . -0- `` The Hat of My Mother , '' 

by Max Steele ( Algonquin Books of Chapel Hill , $ 9.95 , 270 pp . ) . Available

 for the first time in paperback , Steele 's short fiction offers solidly constr

ucted plots and vivid characterizations . The title story recounts the curious m

isadventures the narrator 's prim mother encountered when she set out to buy a r

eplacement for her antiquated favorite hat . In the multilayered `` Another Love

 Story , '' a married man scrutinizes his former lover 's successful books , hop

ing and fearing they contain some hint of their affair . -0- `` THE BECKONING FA

IRGROUND : Notes of a British Exile in Lotus Land , '' by Ian Whitcomb ( Califor

nia Classics Books , $ 12.95 , 231 pp. , illustrated , paperback original ) . Si

nger , songwriter , radio personality , journalist , record producer , one-hit r

ock star and pop culture gadfly , Ian Whitcomb sets the tone for this memoir whe

n he declares in an early diary entry , `` Wish I was like a rock 'n' roll recor

d . '' The journal entries , articles , interviews and remembrances in this live

ly collection document encounters with icons that range from Mae West and Walter

 Matthau to Felix the Cat . Whitcomb may not have achieved the rock stardom he d

esired , but his account of his ongoing fascination with American popular music 

is far more entertaining than the biographies of many more celebrated rockers . 

-0- `` Understanding Immigration Law , '' by Nancy-Jo Merritt ( 112 pp . ) , `` 

Your Rights as a Consumer , '' by Marc R. Lieberman ( 104 pp. ) and `` Your Righ

ts in the Workplace , '' by Richard L. Strohm ( 120 pp . ) , ( Career Press , $ 

8.95 each , paperback originals ) . The `` Layman 's Guide to Law '' series is d

esigned to introduce the average citizen to the increasingly ( and needlessly ) 

embrangled U.S. legal system . The authors explain what may constitute grounds f

or legal action in key areas of American life . As the disclaimer notes , the bo

oks are not a substitute for a visit to a lawyer , but they provide a useful sta

rting point for readers curious to know more about their rights and obligations 

.

 Back-to-back congressional losses underscore the Democrats ' vulnerability in t

his fall 's midterm elections and could foreshadow significant Republican gains 

in the South , analysts in both parties said Wednesday . Republican officials qu

ickly capitalized on their easy victory Tuesday in the Kentucky congressional di

strict held for 41 years by the late William H. Natcher , D , and an earlier win

 in a Democratic-held district in Oklahoma , claiming the races showed growing p

ublic dissatisfaction with President Clinton and the Democrats who control Congr

ess . `` I think what we just did is a test run in Oklahoma and Kentucky , '' sa

id House Minority Whip Newt Gingrich , R-Ga . `` Morale and momentum and therefo

re resources are shifting our way and Democrats are disoriented and don't want t

o defend Clinton and can't run away from him . '' Democratic National Committee 

Chairman David Wilhelm blamed the Kentucky defeat on a candidate `` who got in a

 defensive crouch and stayed there . '' Wilhelm urged Democrats to `` stand tall

 '' in defending the record of the Clinton administration of `` standing up for 

middle-class families and breaking gridlock . '' But other Democrats , while cau

tioning that special elections are often poor predictors of later contests , wer

e more pessimistic , especially in their private comments . They said Clinton is

 likely to be an issue in many marginal races in the South . `` I think we 've g

ot serious problems , particularly in the South and Southwest , '' one Democrati

c operative said . Even Rep. Vic Fazio , D-Calif. , who chairs the Democratic Co

ngressional Campaign Committee and who echoed Wilhelm 's analysis of the Kentuck

y race , warned that the Republicans could rack up big gains this fall . Fazio c

alled the Kentucky race unique , but said it nonetheless may serve `` as a wake-

up call '' to the party . `` I 've been talking about our potential of losing up

 to 25 seats and I 've been very serious about it . '' The Kentucky election lef

t the Democrats holding a 257-to-178 advantage in the House , along with their 5

6-to-44 margin in the Senate . A gain of even 15 House seats would give Republic

ans their largest number since the mid-1950s and greater gains could cost Democr

ats their working majority . Working control of the Senate is also threatened by

 the recently announced retirements of Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell , 

D-Maine , and Sen. David Boren , D-Okla . The party that holds the White House g

enerally loses House seats in midterm elections . But the Democrats ' historical

 disadvantage is compounded this year by a variety of factors . They include vot

er anger toward Washington , Democratic retirements in marginal House districts 

, the effects of redistricting and Clinton 's unpopularity in the South . Republ

ican strategist Whit Ayres said the two special House races , combined with last

 year 's string of Republican victories `` send a very clear message , that vote

rs around the country , and particularly voters in the South , are very unhappy 

with the leadership provided by President Clinton and the Democrats in Congress 

. '' Clinton 's popularity varies from region to region and a White House offici

al said many Democrats are anxious for his help this year . But the danger for H

ouse Democrats in districts where Clinton 's favorability ratings are weak is mo

st apparent in the 28 open seats where Democratic incumbents have announced thei

r retirements or are seeking higher office . In 17 of the 28 districts , Clinton

 's vote in 1992 was below his national average of 43 percent , and in 11 of tho

se districts , most of them in the South , George Bush beat Clinton . Republican

 pollster Bill McInturff said that , in the South , the Clinton administration i

s facing growing hostility . `` In focus groups , there is an historic anti-gove

rnemnt sentiment , '' McInturff said . `` What they see Clinton doing , on taxes

 , the economy , health care , these are seen as symbols of Jimmy Carter , round

 two . The guy is raising taxes and overreaching the role of government . '' Emo

ry political scientist Merle Black , who has specialized in the study of Souther

n politics , said , `` Clinton is not an asset in most Southern congressional di

stricts. '' and predicted that Republican candidates would mimic the kind of cam

paign Republican Ron Lewis ran in Kentucky . Lewis ran an explicitly anti-Clinto

n campaign that included one television ad in which the face of Democrat Joe Pra

ther turned into the face of Bill Clinton . `` I wouldn't be too surprised to se

e that ad in 200 districts in October , '' Gingrich said . `` I hope so , '' res

ponded presidential pollster Stan Greenberg . `` I think people will vote for ch

ange rather than negativism and a return to the Reagan-Bush years . '' Greenberg

 and other Democrats said it 's too early to make predictions about November , d

espite the losses in Kentucky and Oklahoma , and that the outcome of the health-

care debate could become a major factor in the fall . `` I don't think the story

 of the off-year elections is going to be decided until October , '' he said . `

` People are going to make a decision of whether we 're moving the country forwa

rd or whether we 're stuck . And right now , they don't know . '' But Republican

 pollster Linda Divall said many voters are still angry with Washington . She sa

id the special-election results were not just a vote against Clinton . `` It was

 also a warning signal that the changes voters cast their votes for in 1992 have

 not come about and they are still frustrated . '' She and others noted the cont

inued intense anger over congressional check bouncing , and argued that almost a

ny outcome in the pending criminal case of Rep. Dan Rostenkowski , D-Ill. , will

 damage Congress and the Democrats . `` Any plea bargain is going to look very b

ad , '' she said . Democrats worry that low voter turnout , which occurred in Ke

ntucky , will hurt their candidates this fall . `` The people on the outs are mu

ch more motivated to vote than our people are , '' said Democratic pollster Harr

ison Hickman . `` The angry people are going to take the time to vote . ''

 UNITED NATIONS Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali , bristling with anger a

nd frustration , derided the international community Wednesday for talking but d

oing little else to stop genocide in Rwanda . He denounced the inaction as a sca

ndal . `` All of us are responsible for this failure , '' the secretary-general 

told a news conference. `` .. . It is a genocide which has been committed . More

 than 200,000 people have been killed , and .. . the international community is 

still discussing what ought to be done . `` I have tried , '' he went on . `` I 

have been in contact with different heads of state and begged them to send troop

s. .. . Unfortunately , let us say with great humility , I failed . It is a scan

dal . I am the first one to say it . And I am ready to repeat it . '' Although h

e never singled out the United States for criticism , Boutros-Ghali mocked the p

hilosophy behind President Clinton 's recent policy directive on peacekeeping . 

Under this policy , which U.S. . Ambassador to the United Nations Madeleine Albr

ight invoked last week to force the U.N. . Security Council to delay the dispatc

h of 5,500 troops to Rwanda , the Clinton administration insists that it will no

t approve peacekeeping operations until they are subjected to close scrutiny , i

ncluding an assessment of their chances for success . But Boutros-Ghali said tha

t `` we must accept that in certain operations we will not be successful and the

 fact that you are not successful in a certain operation must not be an obstacle

 to additional operations all over the world . '' `` It is like going to a hospi

tal , '' he said . `` You cannot say ` I don't want to take this case . ' There 

is a moral responsibility . The raison d' etre of this organization is to help m

ember states solve peacefully their internal disputes and their international di

sputes . '' ( Optional add end ) Boutros-Ghali , a 71-year-old former Egyptian d

iplomat and law professor , also used the news conference to make what amounted 

to a declaration of his intent to seek a second five-year term in 1996 . This wa

s a sharp change of course . When he was elected in late 1991 , Boutros-Ghali in

sisted that he intended to serve only one term , a posture that give him great i

ndependence from the five members of the Security Council who have the power of 

veto , including the United States . When asked to justify his change of intent 

, the secretary-general told the news conference , `` I believe that only stupid

 people don't change their mind . '' `` The question will be raised in 1996 , ''

 he said , `` and it will depend on my own physical capacities . If I am feeling

 in shape , quite honestly , I will say yes . On the other hand .. . if I don't 

feel well enough , then I willn't request a second term . '' Mocking the philoso

phy behind the Clinton administration 's policies will not help any Boutros-Ghal

i campaign for a second term . Relations between the United States and the secre

tary-general have been tense for much of the last year . Boutros-Ghali has been 

angered about the American attempt to blame him for the debacle in Somalia ; the

 Americans have been angered by his penchant for setting policy rather than just

 taking orders from the Security Council . The United States , using its veto , 

could block a second term for him .

 WASHINGTON The percentage of Americans with employer-paid medical insurance has

 dropped sharply in 10 years and the trend is accelerating , the Clinton adminis

tration said Wednesday , as it released Census Bureau data sure to fuel the heal

th care reform debate . According to the bureau 's employee benefits survey of 3

0,000 workers , only 61 percent had employer-provided medical coverage , down fr

om 66 percent in 1983 . The rate of decline was steeper among workers at large c

ompanies than those at small ones . `` It 's not a stable system . Employers are

 providing less and less , '' Labor Secretary Robert B . Reich said at Capitol H

ill news conference . `` All workers are vulnerable . '' Such rapid erosion `` m

akes a very strong case for strengthening the employer-based system , '' he decl

ared . `` It is time for all employers to share in this burden . '' But opponent

s used the same data to argue for solutions other than President Clinton 's prop

osal to force all employers to provide insurance to workers . `` Given those tre

nds , is the employer mandate realistic ? can't we try some other means to encou

rage employers to provide benefits , '' said Sharon Canner , a National Associat

ion of Manufacturers analyst . The Census data showed that since 1979 coverage h

as declined from 83 percent to 73 percent of the workforce at companies with 100

 or more workers . Over the same period , coverage declined from 60 percent to 5

4 percent at companies with fewer than 100 employees . `` This is across the boa

rd . This is not solely a small-firm phenomenon , '' Reich said . `` If anything

 , large firms are beginning to get out of the health care business . '' He said

 the data represent `` the most comprehensive view that we 've had yet of worker

s and coverage . '' The president has defended the employer mandate the most con

troversial element of his reform agenda as a conservative approach that builds o

n the existing system , noting that the overwhelming majority of privately insur

ed Americans get their coverage through the workplace . To achieve his goal of u

niversal coverage , Clinton would require all employers to pay at least 80 perce

nt of a full-time worker 's premiums , up to a cap of 7.9 percent of total payro

ll . Small companies firms with low average payrolls would receive government su

bsidies , reducing their `` contribution '' to as little as 3.5 percent of payro

ll . The president 's bill also would require individual workers to pay as much 

as 20 percent of their premiums , or no more than 3.9 percent of their wages . B

ut many big and small businesses , as well as most congressional Republicans and

 even some Democrats , strongly oppose any mandate . So any significant health c

are reform will require major compromises on both sides . Opponents of mandates 

, such as the Chamber of Commerce and the National Association of Manufacturers 

, prefer voluntary incentives and a gradual extension of coverage to the estimat

ed 38 million uninsured Americans . Like Clinton , however , they support malpra

ctice reforms , administrative simplification to reduce costly red tape and insu

rance market reforms that ban discriminatory practices against small groups , pa

rticularly people with pre-existing conditions . ( Optional add end ) At his new

s conference , Reich rebutted questions that challenged the wisdom of building u

pon a system that even the administration says is in rapid decline . `` This is 

still a health care system that is premised upon employer contributions , '' Rei

ch said . That system may be `` ailing , '' he conceded , but it remains `` the 

bedrock of America 's health care system . ''

 WASHINGTON Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres complained Wednesday that Syri

a has refused to commit itself to full diplomatic relations and open borders in 

its peace talks with Israel , and indicated his government will not withdraw fro

m the Golan Heights for anything less . Peres , who met with Vice President Al G

ore and Secretary of State Warren Christopher during a visit here , also warned 

Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat that he risks destroying his self-rule agreemen

t with Israel by continuing to quibble about its provisions . At a meeting with 

reporters , Peres was asked whether Israel had committed itself to a full withdr

awal from the Golan Heights , which was captured by Israeli forces in the 1967 M

iddle East war . He responded : `` Do the Syrians suggest opening ( negotiations

 ) by having a full-fledged peace with Israel ? Do they suggest having a full ar

rangement on security ? No. They say peace without embassies , without open fron

tiers . '' Syria and Israel have exchanged proposals for a peace agreement , usi

ng Christopher as a go-between , for the past month . Syria has hinted unofficia

lly that it is willing to consider full peace with Israel , but has not changed 

its official position . Peres ' statement was the most detailed description of t

he Syrian position given by any senior official in the negotiations . In January