Foreign relations of the united states 1969–1976 volume XXXVII energy crisis, 1974–1980 department of state washington
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- 275. Memorandum From Secretary of Energy Duncan to President Carter
- 276. Telegram From the Department of State to All Diplomatic and Consular Posts
- 277. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in Saudi Arabia
Muskie 4 On June 21, Fahd replied: “As Your Excellency is well aware, we here in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia give great attention to your points of view and we sincerely wish to cooperate with you on all of the above mentioned considerations and strengthen the traditional friendship between our two countries. I find that the exchange of advice and opinions between our two countries on matters of common importance leads to achieving greater bilateral understanding an cooperation.” (Telegram 3859 from Jidda, June 23; National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy File, P870094–0872) 365-608/428-S/80010 864 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXXVII 275. Memorandum From Secretary of Energy Duncan to President Carter 1 Washington, June 7, 1980. SUBJECT Meeting with Sheik Yamani, June 5, 1980 I was with Sheik Yamani for 6 hours and 15 minutes on Thursday, June 5th, at his home in Surrey, England. Part of this time was devoted to a birthday dinner in honor of his daughter. —Summary: We discussed a variety of energy issues and details follow. The key points were our discussion of the Strategic Petroleum Reserve, and his statement that he “is recommending to Crown Prince Fahd the continuance of a 9.5 million barrels per day production rate for the third quarter.” —United States Energy Developments: I briefed him on legislative programs, our conservation achievements thus far in 1980, and re- sponded to his questions concerning Congressional action to discon- tinue your authority to impose a conservation import fee on crude oil to be allocated to gasoline. He was impressed with our legislative pro- gram and conservation achievements, and was disdainful of the Congress for their unwillingness to support you on the fee, citing the low U.S. tax rate on gasoline as compared to other industrialized coun- tries. (It was interesting to see the change in his position on this issue since our visit in Riyadh.) 2 —World Economic Conditions: We discussed generally the economic conditions prevailing in the United States, the industrialized nations and the less developed countries, making the point that further energy price increases or supply constraints at this time would be severely dis- advantageous. He seemed to understand this position. —International Energy Agency Meeting: He was interested in the IEA meeting in Paris and I gave him a rather complete debrief. 3 —Future Price Prospects: He told me he had been very disappointed when other producing countries raised their prices following the Saudi increase of $2.00 per barrel on May 14th. He told me he felt he had firm commitments that other producers would not raise their prices. He 1 Source: Carter Library, National Security Affairs, Brzezinski Material, Agency File, Box 8, Energy Department, 11/79–9/80. Secret. Copies were sent to Muskie, Brown, Miller, Brzezinski, Eizenstat, and Owen. 2 See Document 263. 3 See Document 273. 365-608/428-S/80010 January 1979–January 1981 865 does not anticipate achieving pricing unity at the June 9 OPEC meeting in Algiers. He hopes this might be possible later in the year, if sufficient crude oil availability continues throughout the next few months. He thought a $30.00 “unified” price would be the appropriate level, and that an indexing formula to increase beyond that level should be con- sidered. This would involve a further $2.00 increase for Saudi Arabia, but decreases for many other countries. Our average cost of imported crude would be about $2.00 per barrel less than at present. I was left with the impression that his view of the timing for a unified price was late this year. —Saudi Production Levels for the Third Quarter: He agreed that main- taining the 9.5 million barrels per day production level was important in view of the economic issues and pricing considerations mentioned above, and said he “was recommending the 9.5 million barrel per day production rate to Prince Fahd for the third quarter.” He said this state- ment should be very closely held and I have classified this document “Secret” for that reason. —National Security: I made the point that inflation was eroding the capacity of most nations to fund adequate defense needs which contrib- uted adversely to the Western-Soviet military balance. This situation was energy derived to a significant extent. It was a mutual problem. I said that Harold Brown would be discussing their military equipment needs with Prince Sultan. I did not discuss the national security issue as fully as contemplated in my agreed talking points because every time it was mentioned, he would launch into a discussion of the counter- productiveness of the U.S. policy towards Israel. Detail on this issue is best left to Harold. —Strategic Petroleum Reserve (SPR): I mentioned the language in S–932 4
or the discontinuance of production at the Naval Petroleum Reserve. He said while Saudi Arabia is not a democracy, the opinion leaders there argue for a lower production level on technical and business grounds. Our filling the SPR will cause concern and we shouldn’t be surprised if this happens. He said we should do everything possible to control publicity on the SPR, and lower the visibility threshold. I told him I understood these considerations, but he should understand our political considerations too, that we would work to minimize the pub- licity, and that it would not be constructive to sell further Naval Petro- leum Reserve oil at exorbitant prices. 4 Introduced in the Senate on April 9, 1979, the bill became the Energy Security Act of 1980 (P.L. 96–294), which President Carter signed on June 30. Among other things, it established the Synthetic Fuels Corporation. 365-608/428-S/80010 866 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXXVII —Your letter to Prince Fahd: I mentioned your letter to Prince Fahd, and the general points made. 5 He did not react. —Venice Summit: He was very interested in the agenda and the ex- tent to which energy issues would be involved. I told him energy was very heavily involved, and that I felt the meeting would be a good one with respect to energy issues. I mentioned our expectations as to out- come, in the identical way we had done with the IEA member countries in Paris. He responded favorably to the forty percent target for oil’s share of total energy consumption for Summit countries by 1990, and the target of .6 for the ration of growth in energy consumption to growth in Gross National Product. —Future Duncan/Yamani Meeting: He inquired as to whether I would be at the Venice Summit. When I responded affirmatively, he asked if we could get together immediately following the Summit. He said he could brief me on the OPEC meeting and I could brief him on the Summit. We made a tentative date to get together on June 23rd in either London or Geneva. He was concerned about the United States political scene, men- tioning specifically: —the adverse consequences of Senator Kennedy’s continuing to seek the nomination. —the possible adverse consequences of the Anderson candidacy. 6 —his concern that Ronald Reagan does not comprehend energy issues, could only be a one-term President because of his age, and said “If Ronald Reagan is elected, it would set the Middle East back five years.” He wants very badly for you to be reelected and thinks it would be severely disadvantageous to the interest of the Middle East in general, and Saudi Arabia in particular if this did not happen. 5 See Document 274. 6 Congressman John Anderson (R–IL) ran as an independent candidate for Presi- dent in 1980.
365-608/428-S/80010 January 1979–January 1981 867 276. Telegram From the Department of State to All Diplomatic and Consular Posts 1 Washington, July 9, 1980, 2239Z. 180781. Subject: Highlights of Venice Summit, June 22–23, and Follow-Up Action. Ref: (A) Secto 04021, (B) State 177830. 2 1. The Venice Summit was a well-prepared, highly successful, and harmonious event. The sessions were marked by a strong sense of unity—“we are all in the same gondola”, as the Japanese Foreign Min- ister said—and an awareness that the difficult decisions that will need to be taken in the period ahead will be less difficult if the industrial de- mocracies act together. Energy dominated the economic discussions and Afghanistan the political. Participants reached a common assess- ment of the strategic importance of these and related challenges facing the Western world, as the communique´s make clear. Their language is strong, forthright, and unambiguous; the positions and decisions are fully consistent with, and indeed supportive of, US policies. Whether the long-term goals the principals endorsed at Venice will be given ef- fect will depend on sustained follow-up action by all the Summit countries. 2. The communique´s are being repeated to all diplomatic and con- sular posts: the “Declaration of the Venice Summit”, 3 which is the major statement on key economic issues; the separate political commu- nique´ on Afghanistan, Secto 04021; the statements on hijacking, and on refugees. 4 Posts have already received the Summit declaration on the taking of hostages, State 177830. 3. For the first time since the economic summits were initiated in 1975, one of the main sessions in the two-day period was set aside for political discussion. The other two sessions were devoted to the eco- 1 Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy Files, D800329–0967. Limited Official Use; Immediate. Drafted by Ruth S. Gold, Special Assistant to the As- sistant Secretary of State for Economic and Business Affairs; cleared by Hormats and Treat and in EUR/RPE, EA/J, S/P, E, and the Treasury Department; and approved by Cooper.
2 Telegram Secto 4021, June 22, contains the Political Communique´ from the Venice Summit. (Ibid., D800303–0574) Telegram 177830 to all diplomatic and consular posts, July 6, contains the Venice Declaration on the Taking of Hostages. (Ibid., D800324–0816) All of the statements issued at the Summit, the Final Declaration of June 23, and Carter’s inter- view in Venice with reporters at the Summit’s conclusion are printed in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Jimmy Carter, 1980 , pp. 1170–1204. For Carter’s personal recollections of the Summit, see White House Diary, pp. 439–442. 3 Transmitted in telegram 192218, July 21. (National Archives, RG 59, Central For- eign Policy Files, D800349–0815) 4 Transmitted in telegram 184724, July 13. (Ibid., D800336–0955) 365-608/428-S/80010 868 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXXVII nomic agenda. In addition, the participants took their meals together, the Heads of Government in one group, the Foreign Ministers in an- other, and the Finance and Energy Ministers in a third group, at all of which there were useful wide-ranging informal discussions. The Summit also provided opportunities for bilateral meetings. President Carter met separately with each of the Heads of Government and with the President of the EEC Commission. 5 Thus the value of the Summit meeting lies not only in the decisions reached but also, and equally im- portant, in the expanded contacts and understanding among national leaders that the two-day meeting encouraged. It lies also in the benefits derived from the preparatory process and follow-up. The work of pre- paring this Summit began in February and served not only to resolve contentious issues which would otherwise have required the attention of heads of government, but also gave impetus and direction to other international activities, particularly the IEA and OECD Ministerials. As a result, Summit participants were free to spend a larger part of their limited time together discussing broad policy issues. Further, the pre- paratory process involved frequent discussions among a range of offi- cials from the Summit countries covering all of the issues covered in the communique´. This process fosters a higher level of mutual understand- ing and compromise than would be the case without the Summit. Orga- nized follow-up is also an integral part of the Summit process, helping to assure that commitments undertaken by Heads of Government are pursued. The Summit series will continue with the seventh Summit meeting scheduled to take place in Canada in 1981. 4. Political Discussion. The introduction of a separate political dis- cussion at the Economic Summit was natural, given the strategic im- portance of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the opportunity the Venice Summit offered the Heads of Government to share their assess- ments of this event face to face. The principals confirmed the strong Western reaction to the Soviet aggression. The advance work on the po- litical agenda and communique´ prepared the leaders to deal promptly and directly with the Soviet ploy in announcing the withdrawal of some troops from Afghanistan on the eve of the Summit. The result was solid Summit unity in calling for complete Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan. 5. Economic Discussions. Energy was clearly the central issue. As the President said on arriving at Andrews Air Force Base, “the one word that permeated all of the discussions was oil.” 6 It occupied more 5 Carter’s notes from the Summit are in the Carter Library, National Security Af- fairs, Brzezinski Material, Subject File, Box 38, Presidential Memoranda of Conversation, 5/80.
6 For the full text of his remarks on June 26, see Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Jimmy Carter, 1980 , pp. 1234–1236. 365-608/428-S/80010 January 1979–January 1981 869 than 75 percent of the time devoted to the economic agenda. “Unless we can deal with the problems of energy, we cannot cope with other problems” says the Summit Declaration in its opening paragraph. It recognizes OPEC’s responsibility for exacerbating inflation, recession, and unemployment in the industrialized world, and undermining and in some cases destroying the prospects for growth in the developing countries. The Declaration lays out at some length the essential ele- ments of a strategy agreed among the seven nations to free themselves from their excessive dependence on imported oil within this decade. The main elements are conservation of oil in all sectors of their econo- mies where substantial savings in the use of oil are possible, and reli- ance on fuels other than oil to meet the energy needs of the future— coal, nuclear, synthetics, and renewable sources—whose potential to increase supply is estimated at the equivalent of 15–20 million barrels daily of oil by 1990. By carrying out the agreed strategy, the partici- pants expect that the share of oil in total energy demand will be re- duced in the Summit countries from 53 percent now to about 40 percent by 1990, that collective energy use will increase only 60 percent as fast as GNP (the ratio used to be one to one), and that collective oil con- sumption in 1990 will be significantly below present levels. The Decla- ration notes the mutual dependence of the industrialized democracies, the oil exporting countries, and the non-oil developing countries for the realization of their economic aspirations, and adds, as the Western countries have said many times before, that the participants “would welcome a constructive dialogue . . . between energy producers and consumers in order to improve the coherence of their policies.” 6. On his return from the Summit, President Carter said of the en- ergy talks, “We recognize that we must break the relationship between economic growth in the future and our dependence on energy; in other words, to have more growth for less energy . . . Obviously our over- dependence on foreign oil takes away our own basic security, the right that we have to make our own decisions . . . Oil politics is literally changing the interrelationship among nations. We must stand united, cooperate whenever we can, and meet a common challenge to the secu- rity and certainty of the future brought about by rapidly increasing un- controllable prices of oil, and excess dependence by all of us on imports of oil.” [Omitted here is discussion unrelated to energy.] Muskie 365-608/428-S/80010 870 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXXVII 277. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in Saudi Arabia 1 Washington, July 1, 1980, 2358Z. 174172. For the Ambassador. Subject: Proposed Presidential Letter to Fahd.
1. (Secret—entire text) 2. In Secretary Duncan’s recent meeting with Yamani latter sug- gested President urge Fahd directly to increase productive capacity beyond 12 MBPD in order to help Yamani withstand pressures from within SAG to abandon 12 MBPD goal. 2 Would appreciate your imme- diate judgment on effectiveness of such a communication and sugges- tions on following proposed text: 3 3. Begin text: “Your Royal Highness: I would like to share with you my reflections on the implications of the Venice Economic Summit meeting for our nations’ mutual security in the years ahead. “The Heads of Government of the major industrial countries agreed on the importance for world economic stability of continuing our fight against inflation, even in the face of some increase in domestic unemployment. We also recognized that the severe financial problems faced by developing countries require the special attention of all gov- ernments capable of offering assistance. “In addition, we agreed on an ambitious plan of action to break the link between economic growth and the consumption of oil over the next ten years. One of the central features of this plan is the intention of the seven countries to increase their production and use of substitutes for oil by the equivalent of 15–20 million barrels per day over this pe- riod. We will start toward this goal immediately. “In setting this goal, we realized that we must work in close coop- eration with Saudi Arabia and other responsible oil producers to effect 1 Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy Files, P910096–0044. Se- cret; Niact; Immediate; Nodis; Cherokee. Drafted in the Department of Energy, cleared by Poats and Twinam, and approved by Cooper. 2 Duncan met with Yamani on June 25, after the Venice Summit. The memorandum of their conversation is attached to a June 27 memorandum from Duncan to the President summarizing the discussion with Yamani. (Carter Library, National Security Affairs, Brzezinski Material, President’s Correspondence with Foreign Leaders File, Box 17, Saudi Arabia: Crown Prince and First Deputy Prime Minister Fahd ibn Abd al-Aziz Al Saud, 6–10/80) 3 West replied: “We agree that a letter from President to Crown Prince would be constructive. Text set forth in reftel is excellent.” He added that in a June 25 meeting with Yamani, the latter expressed “his satisfaction with the Duncan meeting and seemed highly pleased with the understandings reached.” (Telegram 4057 from Jidda, July 2; Na- tional Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy Files, P900077–1443) 365-608/428-S/80010 January 1979–January 1981 871 an orderly transition away from the excessive dependence upon the world’s petroleum resource base, which must be preserved for future generations. “I stated at Venice, and I reiterate to you now, my deep apprecia- tion for the responsible policies of your government on petroleum matters. I can appreciate the very real difficulties that you may have ex- perienced in advocating and pursuing policies of moderation and prudence. “Recent international events give clear warning that our countries face growing challenges to our vital security concerns in the years ahead. I was reassured by the determination of all of the industrial powers represented at Venice to strengthen our military and economic capacity to define our common interests. I believe this posture is of great value to Saudi Arabia, just as your country’s readiness to meet emergency shortfalls in world oil supply is of great importance to the industrial nations’ security. “One of the stark lessons of the recent past is that the world’s eco- nomic security depends heavily on the ready availability of a signifi- cant margin of oil production capacity to offset sudden supply disrup- tions. Saudi Arabia’s policy of raising sustainable production capacity to 12 million barrels per day is, thus, a major contribution to world order, and we look forward to its early realization. As the future un- folds, I believe that you may find that a further increase in Saudi Arabia’s capacity beyond 12 million barrels per day will be important to assuring a secure international environment. “Looking back over the last several years, I am pleased to see how the dialogue between our two governments has developed on the wide range of economic, political, and security issues that affect the present and future well-being of our two countries and indeed of the world community generally. In the months ahead I look forward to further developing these close consultations and to benefitting from your counsel.” End text. 4. This text has not been cleared by White House nor seen by the President. 4
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