Guide to Citizens’ Rights and Responsibilities

unilateral: independent of any other person
or entity
■ ■ ■  

244
G O V E R N M E N T S   O F   T H E   W O R L D
P a n a m a
See also: 
Gaza Strip; Israel; West Bank.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y
Brown, Nathan. Palestinian Politics after the Oslo Accords: Resuming Arab Palestine.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003.
B’Tselem: The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories.
Ͻhttp://www.btselem.org/Ͼ.
Israeli Foreign Ministry. 
Ͻhttp://www.mfa.gov.il/mfa/Ͼ.
Khalidi, Rashid. Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National
Consciousness. New York: Columbia University Press, 1997.
Kimmerling, Baruch, and Joel S. Migdal. The Palestinian People: A History. Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 2003.
Palestinian National Authority. 
Ͻhttp://www.pna.gov.ps/Ͼ.
Robinson, Glenn. Building a Palestinian State: The Incomplete Revolution.
Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1997.
George Bisharat
Panama
Located between Costa Rica and Colombia, Panama connects Central America
and South America. It has an area of 77,381 square kilometers (29,762 square
miles). Approximately 3 million people inhabit the country. The majority live in
the capital, Panama City. Seventy percent of Panama’s population is mestizo
(of mixed Indian and European ancestry). West Indians constitute 14 percent of
the population, Caucasians 10 percent, and Indians 8 percent. Spanish is the
nation’s official language, although many professionals and businesspeople in
the capital also speak English. 
Rodrigo de Bastidas (1460–1526), who sailed to Venezuela in search of gold,
became the first Spaniard to reach the isthmus in 1501. By 1502 Christopher
Columbus (1451–1506) arrived in the region and established an ephemeral
settlement known as Antigua del Darien. In 1513 Vasco Nuñez de Balboa
(c. 1475–1519) trekked through the isthmus and discovered a path joining the
Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. This path was later named El Camino Real (the Royal
Road). With the continuous arrival of Spaniards, disease, murder, and enslave-
ment threatened the native Indian populations. African slaves soon replaced
Indian slaves, a circumstance that endured for approximately 200 years. 
By 1538 the king of Spain appointed governors as authoritative 
figureheads
and set up audiencias (courts), thus making Panama a Spanish colony. Panama
remained a Spanish colony until its independence on November 28, 1821.
Because it was already a part of the Viceroyalty of Colombia, the country became
a part of Colombia. By 1903 Panama declared its independence from Colombia.
That same year Panama and the United States signed the Hay/Bunau-Varilla
Treaty, which gave the United States sovereign rights over a ten-mile-wide and
fifty-mile-long zone, an area that became known by 1914 as the Panama Canal.
The treaty, in fact, made Panama a 
protectorate
of the United States.
Immediately upon its independence from Colombia, Panama became a
constitutional democracy until 1968 when the military overthrew democratically-
elected President Arnulfo Arias Madrid (1901–1988) and forced him into exile.
figurehead: an individual with a title of
leadership, but no real authority or power
protectorate: a territory or country under
the protection of another sovereign country’s
military
■ ■ ■  

G O V E R N M E N T S   O F   T H E   W O R L D
245
P a n a m a
Brigadier General Omar Torrijos Herrera (1929–1981) established a military
junta
. Torrijos led an oppressive and corrupt regime, but later gradually liberal-
ized the political system toward democratic representation (a relatively mild
dictatorship). Torrijos’s populist domestic programs, which included reforming
the
agrarian
system, attracted foreign investment, and his labor legislation
received support from urban workers and small farmers. In 1977 Torrijos signed
a treaty with the United States granting Panama full ownership and control of the
Panama Canal on December 31, 1999.
After Torrijos’s death in 1981, General Manuel Noriega (b. 1934) controlled
the National Guard. Noriega’s inherited military authority allowed him to
become the 
de facto
leader of Panama in 1985. Four years later Noriega’s grip
on Panama ended when the United States entered the country and arrested him
on drug trafficking charges.
After Noriega lost power, Panama once again became a representative
democracy. The executive branch consists of a president and two vice presidents
who are democratically elected for a five-year term. The legislative branch is also
elected by direct vote for a five-year term. The judiciary, which is appointed, is an
independent branch of government. It consists of a nine-member Supreme
Court and all tribunals and municipal courts. The Cabinet Council nominates the
justices, and the Legislative Assembly confirms their nomination. Appointed jus-
tices serve a ten-year term.
See also: 
Colombia; Presidential Systems.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y
Allrefer.com Reference. 2005. “Panama Country Study and Guide.” 
Ͻhttp://www.
allrefer.com
Ͼ.
Center for International Development and Conflict Management. 2003. “Polity IV Country
Report 2002: Panama.” 
Ͻhttp://www.cidcm.umd.eduϾ.
junta: a group of individuals holding power,
especially after seizing control as a result of
a coup
agrarian: having to do with farming or farm-
ing communities and their interests; one
involved in such a movement
■ ■ ■  
de facto: (Latin) actual; in effect but not
officially declared 
Panama
Canal
CORDILLERA
DE
SA
N
BL
AS
Isla del
Rey
Isla de
San José
Isla de
Coiba
Isla
Cébaco
ARCHIPIÉLAGO
DE LAS
PERLAS
ARCHIPIÉLAGO DE
BOCAS DEL TORO
C a r i b b e a n
S e a
P A C I F I C
                    O C E A N
Bahía de
Panamá
Golfo de Chiriquí
Golfo de 
los Mosquitos
Laguna de
Chiriquí
G
olfo D
ulce
Golfo
de
Urabá
Golfo de
San Miguel
Lago
Bayano
Lago
Gatun
Lago
Madden
G u l f o   d e   P a n a m á
T oa
br
e
Ton
osí
Teribe
Estí
Santa
Río G
ran
de
María
Sa
m
b
ú
C
h
u
cu
n
a
q
u
e
B
a
ls
a
s
T
u
i r a
C
h
ic
o
Indio
Sa
n
P
a
b
lo
C aña
za
Ailigandí
Cañita
Chimán
Yaviza
La
Palma
Mulatupo Sasardi
Carreto
Santa Fe
Cocalito
Jaqué
Garachiné
Puerto Obaldfa
El Porvenir
Ustupo Yantupo
Penonomé
Aguadulce
Santiago
Puerto
Armuelles
Santo
Domingo
Santa
Catalina
David
Almirante
San Cristóbal
Chitré
Cambutal
Pedasí
Miguel de
la Borda
Garrote
La
Chorrera
Balboa
Colón
Panama
City
C O L O M B I A
COSTA
RICA
Panama
W
S
N
E
0
0
25
50
75
100  Kilometers
50
75
25
100  Miles 
PANAMA
Volcán Barú
11,401 ft.
 3475 m.
(MAP BY MARYLAND CARTOGRAPHICS/ THE GALE GROUP)

246
G O V E R N M E N T S   O F   T H E   W O R L D
P a p u a   N e w   G u i n e a
Country Watch. 2003 Panama Country Review.
Ͻhttp://www.countrywatch.comϾ.
Rudolph, James D. “Government and Politics.” In Panama: A Country Study, 3rd ed., ed.
Richard F. Nyrop. Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 1981.
U.S. Department of State. Background Note: Panama.
Ͻhttp://www.state.govϾ.
Zimbalist, Andrew, and John Weeks. Panama at the Crossroads. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1991.
Sarita D. Jackson
Papua New Guinea
Papua New Guinea (PNG) is in the southwest region of the Pacific Basin and
lies immediately to the north of Australia. PNG shares the island of New Guinea
with Indonesia, which lies to the west. The interior of New Guinea has one of
the most rugged topographies in the world. The total land area of the country
is 461,690 square kilometers (178,212 square miles), and its population in July
2004 was estimated at 5,420,280.
Papua New Guinea is diverse with regard to ethnicity, customs, traditions, and
geography. Germany and Great Britain were the early colonizers of PNG. Great
Britain relinquished control of Papua to Australia in 1906, which subsequently
assumed control of New Guinea at the start of World War I (1914–1918). The
League of Nations allowed Australia to continue its administration of New Guinea
under a mandate in the interwar years. A joint administration of Papua and New
Guinea began in 1946 and lasted until the 1970s.
The institutionalization of any system of government in Papua New Guinea
was bound to be restricted by two natural characteristics of PNG: the deeply frag-
mented population and the rugged topography of parts of the country. The lack
of uniformity in the existing political structures among the many native commu-
nities meant that the colonial powers found it difficult to exert firm control
through traditional power structures. In addition, it was difficult to expand colo-
nial control due to the rugged landscape and hostile inhabitants in many areas.
Second, many parts of the country experienced uneven exposure to the
outside world during the colonial period. Although coastal areas often had
experienced extensive contact with foreigners, the interior remained relatively
untouched. Many communities in accessible areas were slowly imbued in the
practices of modern political practices and administrative organizations,
whereas others in more remote areas lived in traditional communities as they
always had for hundreds of years with their own folklores and justice systems.
The third consequence was a lack of 
nationalism
. What superceded nation-
alism were micronationalism, regionalism, and 
separatism
as the fast-changing
political environment ushered in uncertainty and confusion to different parts of
PNG. In addition, the various colonial arrangements that PNG had had since the
late 1800s failed to congregate or assemble the many social cleavages so that it
would have been possible to recognize an overarching nation. In sum, the cre-
ation of PNG is one in which the concept of a modern state was superimposed
on hundreds of 
sovereign
traditional communities.
By the early 1960s pressing circumstances and repeated calls by the United
Nations’s Trusteeship Council cajoled Australia to start preparing PNG for inde-
pendence. The first nationwide election was held in 1964; two more elections
were held—in 1968 and 1972—before independence in 1975. The introduction
nationalism: the belief that one’s nation or
culture is superior to all others
separatism: a belief that two regions should
be separated politically
sovereignty: autonomy; or, rule over a
political entity
■ ■ ■  

G O V E R N M E N T S   O F   T H E   W O R L D
247
P a p u a   N e w   G u i n e a
of universal suffrage in the 1960s and the debate over the timing of independ-
ence encouraged the establishment of a party system after the 1968 national
election. In April 1972, the first ever indigenous-led government took power
under the stewardship of Michael Somare (b. 1936) and his party, Pangu Pati.
A   PA R L I A M E N TA R Y   W E S T M I N S T E R   S Y S T E M   O F   G O V E R N M E N T
During the first term of the House of Assembly (1964–1968), the Australian
colonial administration was effectively the executive branch. By 1970 most
Australian officials were leaning toward a 
Westminster
system of government.
What mattered most was a system of government that could facilitate the recon-
ciliation of the diversity of the people with the unity of the country. A federal
system was rejected in favor of a unitary system because a strong central govern-
ment had proven useful in dealing with many intractable problems during
colonial rule. Australia abdicated much of its day-to-day administrative responsi-
bilities with the formation of the first national government. However, Chief
Minister Somare was still responsible to Australia’s Minister of External Territories
on more significant matters.
In light of the existing micronationalist movements, the most delicate issue
was how to balance power between the central government and the country’s var-
ious regions. A debate regarding how “centrist” the national government should
be under a unitary arrangement continued among indigenous members and in
the wider community. The Constitutional Planning Committee (CPC), a parlia-
mentary group established to design the national constitution, staunchly stood by
its conviction that a 
decentralized
provincial system of government was needed.
After
secession
threats by certain micronationalist movements and a careful
evaluation by Somare, a provincial government system was initiated in 1976. By
1980, nineteen provincial governments and a city commission for Port Moresby
had been established.
Huon
Peninsula
Mt. Wilhelm
14,793 ft.
4509 m.
Mt. Victoria
13,238 ft.
4035 m.
Cape
Blackwood
Cape Ward Hunt
N E W
G U I N E A
CENTRAL
RANG
E
O
W
EN
STA
NLE
Y RAN
GE
ARCH
IPELA
GO
LOUIS
IADE
BISMARCK
ARCHIPELAGO
NEW BRITAIN
NEW
IRELAND
Tagula
Pana Tinai
Misima
Conflict
Group
Rossel I.
D' Entrecasteaux
Is.
Woodlark
Trobriand Is.
Goodenough I.
Normanby I.
BOUGAINVILLE
WHITEMA
N
RANGE
Umboi I.
Long I.
Gazelle
Peninsula
New
Hanover
Feni Is.
Green Is.
Buka
Tanga Is.
Nuguria Is.
Takuu Is.
Nukumanu Is.
Lihir Group
Tabar Is.
Manus
I.
Mushu
Marram
Karkar
Kiwai
Talbot Is.
Murray Is.
Kairiru
ADMIRALTY IS.
Ninigo
Group
Mussau I.
Coral  Sea
Solomon Sea
Bismarck Sea
P A C I F I C
O C E A N
Gulf of
Papua
Torres Strait
Huon Gulf
Fly
Sepik
R
a
m
u
Pu
rari
 Lake
Murray
Empress
Augusta Bay
S
t.
Ge
org
e's C
hannel
Wewak
Madang
Lae
Mount
Hagen
Rabaul
Port
Moresby
Vanimo
Wabag
Mendi
Sibidiro
Balimo
Kikori
Kundiawa
Goroka
Gesoa
Bensbach
Daru
Kerema
Wau
Hula
Gadaisu
Popondetta
Matong
Maliom
Garara
Alotau
Kimbe
Gloucester
Kavieng
Arawa
Wakunal
Lorengau
SOLOMON
ISLANDS
AUSTRALIA
W
S
N
E
PAPUA NEW GUINEA
300 Miles
0
0
300 Kilometers
100
200
100
200
(MAP BY MARYLAND CARTOGRAPHICS/ THE GALE GROUP)
Westminster: a democratic model of govern-
ment comprising operational procedures for a
legislative body, based on the system used in
the United Kingdom
■ ■ ■  
decentralize: to move power from a central
authority to multiple periphery government
branches or agencies
secede: to break away from, especially
politically

248
G O V E R N M E N T S   O F   T H E   W O R L D
P a p u a   N e w   G u i n e a
Overall, the legislative design and composition has gone through a number
of important transitional phases since the early 1950s. Each phase reflected the
state of political representation by the indigenous people in relation to the reced-
ing control of the Australian colonial administration. Three indigenous people
were appointed to represent the national population in 1951. More nationals
were awarded seats in parliament during elections in the 1960s and early 1970s.
The pace by which foreign state institutions and a political system were intro-
duced has been nothing less than astounding. It took a mere twenty-four years
(1951–1975) for Papua New Guineans to take control of their destiny amid the
lack of nationalism that made both state-building and national-building processes
challenges from the start.
A
unicameral
legislature with 109 single-member district seats was adopted
for the new state. Eighty-nine of the seats were for open electorates; the remain-
ing twenty seats represented each province. (The electoral boundaries have not
been reviewed since the 1970s, so in the early 2000s many electorates have
much bigger populations than the stated average.) After each election, a govern-
ment is formed after a candidate is elected as speaker of parliament. From the
remaining 108 members, an executive with at least fifty-five members is formed.
N AT I O N A L   E L E C T I O N S   A N D   L E A D E R S H I P
Nine general elections have taken place since the 1960s. The elections have
displayed a number of interesting trends, including a marked increase in the
number of candidates and the competitiveness of the elections.
The emergence of the PNG state is synonymous with one national
leader: Somare. He was a founding member of the Pangu Pati in 1967 and entered
politics in 1968. He became the chief minister of PNG during the country’s transi-
tional phase in the early 1970s and became PNG’s first prime minister in 1975.
The other prime ministers of PNG are Julius Chan (1980–1982; 1994–1997), Paias
Wingti (1985–1988; 1992–1994), Bill Skate (1997–1999), and Mekere Morauta
(1999–2002). Somare, who served as prime minister from 1975 to 1980 and again
from 1982 to 1985, was returned to the office of prime minister during the 2002
elections and remains the longest serving parliamentarian.
Since the 1977 national elections, the government has changed hands ten
times. Five changes have come through elections, three by votes of no-confidence,
and one each through a court ruling and a resignation. These numbers do not
include numerous occasions when 
coalition
partners changed but the main party
remained at the helm, the number of unsuccessful and aborted no-confidence
motions, or the frequent party jumping by members of parliament that was evident
before the introduction of the Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties and
Candidates (hereafter the Integrity Law). The last successful vote of no-confidence
happened in 1988, but coalition instability has worsened since.
PA R T Y   P O L I T I C S   A N D   PA R L I A M E N TA R Y   I N S TA B I L I T Y
The formation of a new government would have been easier if there were
a few dominant parties in PNG. The number of political parties has grown from
five in 1975 to over twenty by the early 2000s. The most obvious result has been
continuous coalition instability: No government has ever served out a full five-
year term since independence.
Governments still break up in PNG for three key reasons. First, most parlia-
ment members and their voters enter into a fixed 
reciprocal
relationship.
Political survival is the main reason why parliamentarians are inclined to listen to