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100 TO G. Y. ZINOVIEV May 21, 1916 Dear Grigory, I don’t want to turn our correspondence into an alterca- tion. The question is a serious one and, although I have dis- cussed it more than once, I will repeat my views since it is a necessity. After more than six mouths’ work with the “publishers” (from Kiev) and several months of thinking over this experience from every point of view, the editorial hoard of the Central Organ sent them in the winter of 1915 a letter which you also signed. In this letter the editorial board stated that it was giving up participation in Kommunist, on account of a number of considerations which were set forth in exceptional detail, took up a great deal of space in our letter, and amounted to this: that we could not assume Party responsibility for such co-editors, that their attitude to the cause was a non-Party one, and that we must regard the temporary attempt to reach understanding as unsuccess- ful.
We decided to publish Sbornik Sotsial-Demokrata. Then you began to have hesitations, which led to our last talk at Kienthal. I made a concession to you by agreeing to an attempt to restore relations, on the condition that (1) there should be an agreement between the editorial board of the Central Organ and the publishers for each issue; (2) they should give up their group position of an “imperial- ist Economic” character, their “playing” on the differences with Radek, etc. These conditions were not written down, and you now dispute them. But that dispute has become unimpor-
219 TO G. Y. ZINOVIEV tant, since you yourself have set forth in writing, in your draft letter to A., your conditions, and the publishers have not accepted even these! (and you had been assuring me that the question was settled, that they would not insist on equal rights!). The fact is, consequently, that if, even after our meeting at Kienthal, one were to accept your “interpretation”, i.e., that I had laid down more extensive conditions than you, even so, your lesser conditions have also been rejected by the publishers. It is obvious that your direct and unquestionable duty after this was to attack the publishers with all your strength, to break with them for good, and to use every effort to prove to Alexander that it was impossible to have any dealings with these gentry as editors of a leading journal. Instead of this you propose to surrender to them, to re- nounce all conditions and to withdraw the letter written by the editorial board of the Central Organ which you your- self signed! And this on the pretext that “they should not be taken seriously”. In reality, what you are proposing is that your policy should not be taken seriously. You reduce the letter from the editorial board to devil knows what, abjure your own point of view and give the right to the publishers to draw the conclusion that the editorial board of the Central Organ was merely throwing its weight about! These are no longer hesitations, these are hesitations cubed, which are turning into something much worse. It remains for me only to repeat for the last time why I don’t enter Kommunist, why I consider it anti-Party and harmful, why I maintain the position of the letter from the editorial board of the Central Organ breaking with the publishers. We concluded a temporary “federation” with the pub- lishers, and called it a “federation” in so many words, quite definitely making a reservation about its temporary charac- ter, “as an experiment”. When we concluded this temporary alliance, the publishers were opposing the wobblings of Bu- kharin (at the Conference in Berne in March 1915), and there was not a single fact pointing to any rapprochement of this group of three (the publishers &Bukharin) with special views of their own.
V. I. L E N I N 220
But after the very first number of the journal they did come together in this way, and when, after a long prelim- inary correspondence, I called their trend “imperialist Economism”, you wrote to me that you agreed. This was in March 1916. It confirmed once more the most detailed letter from the editorial board of the Central Organ written during the winter. The Party—and international—situation now is such that the Central Committee must continue to go ahead indepen- dently, not tying its hands either in Russian or in internation- al affairs. The “publishers”, good for nothing as writers and as politicians (which the editorial board of the Central Organ was obliged to recognise in its winter letter), want to
must agree to grant equal rights to a lady who hasn’t written a single line and doesn’t understand a single thing, and to a “young man” who is entirely under her influence. And they will make use of this equality to play on our differences with Radek, with Bukharin and others! It is simply madness to agree to equal rights on such conditions, it means ruining all the work. It is not true that they want “only a discussion”. They have every opportunity for a discussion. They have money. Nearly a year has gone by. Why don’t they write, why don’t they publish discussion pamphlets? Because they don’t want to take responsibility themselves! That is clear. And it is this that constitutes their mockery of Party prin- ciples, because anyone who proclaims that he has differences must think out his case, come forward openly, face his res- ponsibility, and not “play” and not aspire to “equality” when the Party does not even know the position they take up (and when they have no position). It is a fact that Bukharin stumbles at every step into the views which he set forth in writing in March 1915 (at the Conference), and which you also rejected. You admitted this fact by agreeing in March 1916 (a year later) with my assess- ment of “imperialist Economism”. By granting “equality”, you grant equality in face of the Party to the wobblings of Bukharin! You tie our hands and encourage these wobblings. That is an insane policy. You know that Radek, in the first place, was so “offend- 221 TO G. Y. ZINOVIEV FROM MARX TO MAO
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COMMERCIAL DISTRIBUTION ed” (at our insistence on the printing of our theses in Pan- nekoek’s journal 238 ) that—as you yourself wrote to me in March 1916—he carries on “no team work” with you! And the differences with him have not disappeared; on the con- trary, you yourself agreed with me that his estimate of the Irish insurrection was a philistine one. And you propose to give “equality” to publishers who hide behind Radek, playing (for 2,000 francs!) on our differences with him!! This is an insane policy. Secondly, Radek is one thing and the editorial board of his paper (Gazeta Robotnicza) is another. That this paper has also started a game (using the Chkheidze group, Trotsky, etc.) you yourself have admitted. Remember that this paper appeared in February 1916, and that the letter of the Committee of Organisations Abroad * against it was worked out with your participation. Well then, is it serious politics if we now in our leading journal grant “equality” to people who want to make their career by “utilising” our struggle with the Poles, who betrayed us to Vandervelde and Kautsky on July 3 (16), 1914?? Thirdly, you know that at Kienthal Radek wanted to build up a majority against us among the Left, at the meet- ing of the Left, making use of Fröhlich, the Robmann wom- an, etc., and that an ultimatum was required to force him to recognise the independence of our Central Committee. What new “game” will these people make of this when the question arises of the attitude to Junius (the question has already arisen), or of a “mechanical separation” from the Kautskians and others! Do you guarantee that there will be none?? If you do, this would amount on your part to renouncing all our policy. If you don’t, then it is insane to tie our hands after this in the editorial board of our leading journal.
In no circumstances do I accept this insane policy. This is my final decision. I continue to think that only the publi- cation of Sbornik Sotsial-Demokrata disentangles the affair (which you want to put in a hopeless tangle). Sbornik Sotsial- Demokrata groups around us a number of most useful workers (Varin, Safarov, the Letts, etc.), detaches Bukharin * See present edition, Vol. 22, pp. 157- 60.—Ed. V. I. L E N I N 222
from the publishers to us, enables us to lead the Party (and the international Left) and not to march at the tall of Madam Publisher. Write to me precisely what your decision is. Formally the matters now stand in this way, that the editorial board of the Central Organ has broken with Kommunist, and its final attempt (even your lesser conditions) has been rejected. That means that we must announce in print that Kommunist has stopped, and that Sbornik Sotsial-Demokrata is going to appear. I shake your hand and send you salut.
Sent from Zurich to Berne First published in 1 9 3 4 Printed from the original in Proletarskaya Revolutsia No. 4
223 101 TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV Dear A., Evidently there has been an interruption in our corres- pondence, and quite a number of misunderstandings have been caused by your not receiving our second letter sent to Stock- holm. Otherwise I cannot understand how you can write that we don’t answer your questions. We replied to every-
us. N. K. is writing very often; we will have to be patient and repeat some things in order to achieve results. It is essential to maintain regular correspondence. About Kommunist you write to me that the split with Chkheidze arouses no doubts. In whom? In Bukharin and Co.! But what I wrote was that this relates not to Bukharin and Co. but to Radek and Co. Kommunist was our temporary bloc with two groups or elements—(1) Bukharin and Co., (2) Radek and Co. While it was possible to march together with them, this was the right thing to do. Now it is not—and we must temporarily part or, more correctly, move away. The Poles adopted in the summer of 1915 (after No. 1-2 of Kommunist) and printed only in 1916 a resolation which once again showed their wobblings on the question of Chkheid- ze. Is it reasonable now to afford them the possibility and
muscle in and spoil the journal with their squabbling?? In my belief, it is not reasonable. It is much more useful for the cause to take another title (Sbornik Sotsial-Demok- rata) and wait a while, until the Poles have learned better (or until they come under Germany) or until the situation changes.
V. I. L E N I N 224
Further. About Bukharin and Co. I will certainly send you (though not very soon, because it depends on a journey to Berne) Bukharin’s “theses” of the spring of 1915. Then you will see what it is all about: 1) In the spring of 1915 Bukharin (at the Conference!) writes theses in which he is visibly rolling down into the swamp. The Japanese 239
are against him. (Therefore we temporarily accept the maximum of concessions in Kommun- ist, in order to create a form convenient for clearing up the affair: shall we succeed in overcoming Bukharin’s waver- ings “in comradely fashion”? will E. B., who calls herself a Bolshevik, help in this or not?) 2) In the summer of 1915 (or approaching the autumn) Bukharin &the Japanese, now as a group of three, sign the theses about self-determination. Utterly wrong, in our opinion, and a repetition of Bukharin’s mistakes. 3) At the beginning of 1916 Bukharin on the question of the “Dutch Programme” (from No. 3 of the Bulletin of the I.S.C) again returns to the ideas of his spring theses of 1915!!!
The conclusion? A bloc is impossible in this case also. We must wait until Bukharin’s waverings have ceased. A journal which would be an organ of Polish-Bukharin waver- ings would be harmful. It would be harmful in such a situa- tion to cling to the old title, and not to be capable of selecting another (Sbornik Sotsial-Demokrata). The non-Party and dishonest behaviour of the Japanese lies in this, that they want to throw the responsibility for their wobblings on us. Excuse us, kind friends, we shall not allow you to do this! If you want to be Party people, you will help us partly in money to publish Sbornik Sotsial-
analyse your mistakes in comradely fashion without naming you, not giving the enemy the chance to rejoice and gloat. Moreover, if the Japanese took seriously the most serious question of differences (abroad il n’y a qu’un pas * to a separate faction!! You can believe me, I’ve been seeing this happen for about 20 years!!), they would force themselves to study the difference, think it over, work at it (they did * There is but one step.—Ed. 225 TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV not think and did not study, but simply blurted out the first thing that came into their heads). They would have given a full statement of their differences, either in a manu- script for an intimate circle of leading comrades (who could have helped in not giving publicity to the question in the press), or in a pamphlet if they wanted to “go into print” (they’ve got the money). Then they themselves would be answering for their “ideas”. That is essential. If you want to teach the workers new truths —answer for them, and don’t throw responsibility on us, don’t hide behind us (we are nobodies, let Lenin and Co. answer to the Party for the “discussion”, i.e., for the gloat- ing of our enemies). No, kind friends!! That won’t wash!! I am not going to answer for your wobblings. We shall publish Sbornik Sotsial-Demokrata even without your help, Messrs. Japanese. We shall grant you a postponement: think it over, clear up your ideas, decide finally whether you want to assume res- ponsibility for a new muddle or not. If all you want is to “match” us against the Poles and the Dutch in the Russian press, that we won’t allow you to do. This is the situation, these are my views; and I repeat that I will certainly send you Bukharin’s spring theses, so that you can judge the whole situation according to the docu-
N. K. is writing today about self-determination. We are not for fragmentation. But what about the question of annexations? Bukharin and Co. (just like Radek with Rosa Luxemburg and Pannekoek) have not thought over what it means to be “against old and new annexations” (the for- mula in the press drawn up by Radek)?? Why, that is “self- determination of nations”, only expressed in other words! Well, so long until next time. Yours,
Written earlier than June 1 7 , 1 9 1 6 Sent from Zurich to Christiania (Oslo) First published in 1 9 2 9 Printed from the original in Proletarskaya Revolutsia No. 1 226 102 TO M. N. POKPOVSKY 240
July 2, 1916 Dear M. N., I am sending you the manuscript * today by registered post. All the material, the plan and the greater part of the work were already completed on the plan as ordered, 5 sig- natures (200 manuscript pages), so that to cut it down once more to 3 signatures was absolutely impossible. It will be terribly disappointing if they don’t publish it! Wouldn’t it be possible at least to get it printed in the journal of the same publisher? 241
” Unfortunately, for some reason my correspondence with him has lapsed.... As regards the name of the author, I would, of course, prefer my usual pseudonym. If that is inconvenient, I suggest another: N. Lenivtsyn. Or if you want to, take any other. As regards the notes, I would earnestly ask you to retain them; you will see from No. 101 that they are exceptionally important for me. And then in Russia the students, etc., are also readers: they need to have the literature indicated to them. I deliberately selected a most economical system (in the sense of space and paper). Using small type, 7 manuscript pages mean something like two pages of print. I particularly ask you to leave in the notes, or to appeal to the publisher to leave them. As regards the title: if the one given is inconvenient, if it is desir- able to avoid the word imperialism, then put in: “The Basic Peculiarities of Contemporary Capitalism.” (The * This was the MS. of Lenin’s book Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (see present edition, Vol. 22, pp. 185-304).—Ed. 227 TO M. N. POKROVSKY subheading, “A Popular Outline”, is unquestionably necessary, because a number of important matters are set forth in that style.) The first sheet with a list of chapters, some of which have headings that are perhaps not quite convenient from the point of view of the restrictions, I am sending for you. If you find it more convenient and safer, retain it and don’t send it further. Altogether it would be very pleas- ant if both could be printed in the journal of the same publish- er. If you see nothing inconvenient in this, drop them a line about it. I shall be very grateful to you. I shake your hand and send my best greetings. Yours,
V. Ulyanov P.S. I strove with all my might to adapt myself to the “restrictions”. It’s terribly difficult for me and I feel there is a great deal of unevenness on account of this. But it can’t be helped! Sent from Zurich to Sceaux (Seine), France First published in full in 1 9 3 2 Printed from the original in the second edition of Lenin’s Collected Works, Vol. XXIX |
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