Language Typology and Syntactic Description, Volume I: Clause Structure, Second edition
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Lgg Typology, Synt Description v. I - Clause structure
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Closed classes Languages differ more from one another in the closed-class distinctions they recognize than in the open-class distinctions. This is true both of the number Parts-of-speech systems 23 and of the type of classes recognized. Thus there are languages which have been claimed (not quite correctly, as we shall see) to have no closed classes at all, while there are others that distinguish a dozen or more closed classes. And there may be no universally attested closed classes comparable with the universally attested open classes of nouns and verbs. (One closed class that is perhaps universal is the class of interjections – see section 2.5.) Nonetheless, it is apparently the case that, however diverse the closed-class systems of different languages may be, all languages do in fact have closed, as well as open, parts- of-speech classes. Before we take a closer look at the kinds of closed parts-of-speech classes that occur, let us first consider the question of the correlation between the prominence of closed classes in a language and another typological feature: the position of the language on the analytic–synthetic scale. As was noted in the introduction to this chapter, languages may differ very greatly in the degree of morphological complexity they tolerate in words. Thus there are heavily analytic languages, in which there are few or no words that contain more than a single morpheme. And there are also heavily synthetic languages, in which polymorphemic words are the norm. Not surprisingly, closed word classes tend to play a more prominent role in analytic languages than they do in synthetic languages. This is because much of the semantic and syntactic work done by the members of closed word classes in analytic languages is done instead by affixes in synthetic languages. We have already seen that, in some heavily synthetic languages, affixes may even do service for certain open word classes (cf. the Eskimo and Yana examples of affixal equivalents of adverbs cited at the end of the preceding section). The use of affixes in place of closed word classes is, however, a good deal more common – a claim that is substantiated in detail in the sections that follow. Therefore, by and large, the more use a language tends to make of morphologically complex words, the less use it will tend to make of closed word classes, and the fewer distinct types of closed classes it will tend to recognize. It might therefore be expected that there would be some heavily synthetic languages that would make no use of closed classes at all. And in fact there have been claims to this effect with regard to at least one such language – witness the following quotation from Sapir (1921:119): ‘In Yana the noun and verb are well distinct. But there are, strictly speaking, no other parts of speech.’ However, subsequent investigation seems to have persuaded Sapir that, in addition to nouns and verbs, Yana does have a ‘relational proclitic’ (which is a kind of case marker, marking non-subjects) and a small set of articles (Sapir and Swadesh (1960)) – words which, in the terminology of this chapter, would be assigned to the closed class of noun adjuncts (see section 2.2 below). And it also seems likely that Yana has (or, rather, had, since the language is now extinct) some 24 Paul Schachter and Timothy Shopen interjections. Still, this is certainly a very meagre inventory of words belonging to closed classes, and it is safe to say that no analytic language could possibly manage with such an inventory. In the discussion of closed word classes that follows, these classes are dealt with under the following headings: pronouns and other pro-forms (section 2.1), noun adjuncts (2.2), verb adjuncts (2.3), conjunctions (2.4), and other closed classes (2.5). These headings merely constitute a convenient framework for discussion, and are not claimed to have any theoretical status. In each case, the discussion of the closed classes in question will be accompanied by some discussion of the counterparts of these classes (if any) in languages in which the classes are not attested. 2.1 Pronouns and other pro-forms This section surveys the various types of pro-forms that occur in languages and some of the ways in which languages that lack a particular pro-form type may express the semantic equivalent. The term pro-form is a cover term for several closed classes of words which, under certain circumstances, are used as substitutes for words belonging to open classes, or for larger constituents. By far the commonest type of pro-form is the pronoun, a word used as a substitute for a noun or noun phrase. Various subtypes of pronouns may be distinguished, among them personal, reflexive, reciprocal, demonstrative, indefinite, and rel- ative. These subtypes are discussed in turn below. (There are also interrogative pronouns, but these are best considered together with other interrogative pro- forms – pro-adverbs, pro-verbs, etc. – and the discussion of them is thus deferred until later in the section.) Personal pronouns are words used to refer to the speaker (e.g. I, me), the person spoken to (you), and other persons and things whose referents are pre- sumed to be clear from the context (he, him, she, her, it, etc.). While personal pronouns in some languages occur in essentially the same sentence positions as other nominal expressions, it is rather common for them to show distributional peculiarities. This is true, for example, of direct-object personal pronouns in English, which must immediately follow the verb in some cases where other types of direct objects need not, as illustrated in (53). (53) Turn it on *Turn on it cf. Turn the radio on Turn on the radio And it is more strikingly true of other languages in which personal pronouns are clitics whose distribution may be consistently distinct from that of non-clitic |
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