Language Typology and Syntactic Description, Volume I: Clause Structure, Second edition
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Lgg Typology, Synt Description v. I - Clause structure
William A. Foley
(170) (a) n- -tx’aa-n t-q’ool poon prog -3sg.abs-chew-antipass 3sg.poss-sap copal ‘She was copal sap-chewing’ (b) ma -b’iincha-n qa-jaa past 3sg.abs-make-antipass pl-house ‘He house-constructed’ This noun incorporation is licensed through the antipassive derivation: blocking the linking of [ −a] to [−oblique] allows it to be incorporated into the verbal complex as a kind of [ +oblique] adjunct with the usual generic nonreferential meaning of incorporated nouns. No constituents can intervene between the verbal complex and the incorporated [ −a] np; this can be the basis for a claim that this is a noun incorporation construction. However, noun incorporation need not involve antipassivization. Many lan- guages have productive noun incorporation for generic [ −a] nps with no trace of antipassive constructions, for example in what can be seen as noun incorpo- ration in Kusaiean of Micronesia: (171) (a) nga ɔ l-læ nuknuk ε 1sg wash-perf clothes def ‘I washed the clothes’ (b) nga owo nuknuk læ 1sg wash clothes perf ‘I clothes-washed’ (c) nga owo læ 1sg wash perf ‘I washed’ Sugita (1973) The verb ‘wash’ occurs in two forms, a transitive stem ɔ l (171a) and an intran- sitive owo (171c). Example (171a) is a normal transitive clause, with the verb suffixed with the aspect clitic -læ (perf) and then followed by the [ −oblique] [ −a] argument which is the definite nuknuk ε ‘the clothes’. Example (171b) is the corresponding form with noun incorporation. The [ −a] argument is neces- sarily generic and cannot co-occur with the definite determiner ε . The incor- porated [ −a] is no longer [−oblique], so the clause is formally intransitive; note the verb form is the intransitive owo (compare (171c)). Further, the [ −a] argument, no longer being a full [ −oblique] argument is incorporated into the verbal complex like an adjunct, so that the perfective clitic -læ follows it. Note that (171b) is not an antipassive: while the [ +a] argument has failed to link to [ −oblique], there is no lexical derivation on the verb, no overt antipassive suffix, licensing this. Noun incorporation, while related in its effects on the A typology of information packaging 437 [ −a] argument, must be distinguished from antipassivization. This point is further emphasized by the fact that there are languages like Chukchee which have both antipassives and noun incorporation, and they are formally quite distinct. The Chukchee antipassive was illustrated in (169); note it makes use of an overt antipassive affix ine-. No such affix is found in Chukchee noun incorporation: (172) (a) tumg-e n-ant ə wat- ə n kupre-n friend-erg 3pl.erg-set-3sg.abs.aor net-abs ‘The friends set the net’ (b) tumg- ə t kupr-ant ə wat-g ʔ at friend-abs.pl net-set-3pl.abs.aor ‘The friends were net-setting’ Comrie (1978) Here again, noun incorporation simply involves incorporating the nonreferen- tial [ −a] argument into the formally intransitive verb with no other needed derivational affixation; this is not antipassivization. Another construction that needs to be distinguished from antipassives is the use of impersonal pronominal forms for [ −a] arguments, rather like imper- sonal [ +a] forms such as French on. Such impersonal pronominals for [−a] arguments are not uncommon in Amerindian languages like Caddo: (173) nayt-ya- ʔ iyah-hah he.who-realis.impersonal[ −a]-catch-habit ‘he who catches one’ = ‘a policeman’ Chafe (1990) Again these are not true antipassives: the verb remains transitive and the [ −a], while indefinite and impersonal, remains [ −oblique], as witnessed by its being realized as a pronominal verbal affix, a property restricted to [ −oblique] argu- ments. Table 7.3 summarizes our typology of antipassive constructions. Download 1.59 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |
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