Rashidova Maftunaning “Types of morphemes in English” Mavzusidagi kurs ishi


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3. Function and content morpheme
Functional morpheme
In linguistics, functional morphemes, sometimes called functors, are the building blocks for language acquisition. A functional morpheme (as opposed to a content morpheme) is a morpheme that simply changes the meaning of a word rather than conveying the root meaning. A functional morpheme is usually a closed class, meaning that new functional morphemes cannot normally be created4.
Functional morphemes can be bound, such as verbal inflectional morphology (e.g. progressive -ing, past tense -ed) or nominal inflectional morphology (e.g. plural -s), or free, such as bog adverbs (eg, and, or), prepositions (eg, of, by, for, on), articles (eg, a, the) and pronouns (eg, she, him, it, you, mine). In English, functional morphemes usually consist of low-stress consonants such as /s,z,w,ð/. These phonemes appear with short vowels, usually schwa /ə/. Gerken argues that functional morphemes are indicators of word combinations. Thus, if the word the occurs, a noun phrase is expected to follow. The same thing happens with verb phrases and adjective phrases and their corresponding word endings. Functional morphemes come at the beginning or end of each clause in a sentence. See the functional morpheme like the noun ending in -ed in the previous example. Children begin to use functional morphemes in their speech from the age of two. Functional morphemes encode grammatical meaning within words, but children do not show this externally. Recently, linguists have begun to discover that children can recognize functional morphemes, when previously they thought otherwise. At the University of Arizona, LouAnn Gerken conducted extensive research on language development in children.
He notes that although children do not develop functional morphemes in speech, they understand their use within sentences.
In English
Gerken conducted an experiment to determine whether the child really recognizes functional morphemes. This experiment was conducted in English and focused on unspoken rather than spoken words.
Variations of push verbs are used and then bazes, pusho and bazo
changed to make non-words. The second change used was the word it ot, which was either changed to dep or some combination of true and false words. Through this experiment, Gerken found that children were more likely to pronounce English function morphemes than nonsense words. This is because true functional morphemes had less stress than nonsense words. Because the nonsense words contained more stress, the children were able to say them more often, even if they were not real words in English. One of the reasons why this happens is that functors represent an increase in the complexity of sentence structures. Thus, children are more likely to say gibberish because of a lack of linguistic complexity than to say complex sentences with weakly stressed English words. French-speaking children were found to behave similarly to English-speaking children. An experiment was conducted on Quebec French-speaking children by Rushen Shi and Melanie Lepage. They decided to take the French des, meaning "the," and compare it to the words mes and kes (kes), meaning "my." The two verbs used were preuve 'proof' and sangle 'saddle'. Functors were then attached to the verbs, and three nouns appeared interchangeably with the phrase. Compared to English functors, which can be defined by stress, French functors are defined by syllables. This distinction led to an important distinction between English and French learners, as Shi found that French-speaking children learn functors at an earlier age than English-speaking children. A study found that French-speaking children were able to identify functors. This is because French has a higher frequency of noun phrases, which leads children to pay more attention to functors5]
In other languages
Studies have also been conducted in other languages ​​such as German and Dutch. By now, most languages ​​behave like English in that language-acquiring children learn functional morphemes, if not outward ones.
Neuroprocessing of functional morphemes
Lee et al. conducted a study on adults who had undergone surgery six months earlier to test their knowledge of functional morphemes and to determine where in the brain these processes occur.
The study was conducted around the participants' ability to produce the correct form of the speech verb. Through this, the researchers were able to identify the exact area where the processing of functional morphemes takes place. They observed gray and white matter in the brain and found that the processing of function morphemes occurs in the left temporoparietal junction (TPJ). They also found that if adults had damage to the post-superior temporal gyrus (P-STG), they would have trouble producing functional morphemes in the future. Lee et al. Functional morphemes are necessary for the formation of lexically complex words and sentences, and it is concluded that damage to the P-STG may cause problems with these processes in adults.
The linguistic theory of bootstrapping refers to how infants learn language through the process of language acquisition.
By learning functional morphemes, children are unconsciously involving themselves in other linguistic processes. This includes general vocabulary learning, grammar, word meanings and how phrases work. Several studies of children's language acquisition have found that children use functional morphemes to help develop other parts of their speech
Content morpheme
A content morpheme or a content morpheme is a root that forms the semantic core of a main class word. Content morphemes have lexical denotations independent of context or other morphemes. For example, in English, the abstract noun beauty (combined form with an already added adverb) can mean "lovely quality." When the causative suffix -fy (functional morpheme) is added, the verb beautify is formed "to makepleasing". The adjective beautiful is formed by adding the suffix -ful (another functional morpheme6).
Languages ​​can be analyzed as having a single core word group composed of semantic bases or content morphemes[10]. Therefore, the difference between nouns, verbs, and adjectives in such languages ​​is not lexical (there are separate entries in the lexicon for each of the main word groups), but completely morphological (it is realized through the combination of functional morphemes).
During language acquisition, children learn to imitate their parents' use of language. They start by mumbling, trying to pronounce the simple sounds of consonants and vowels. As they grow, they begin to mix and match these sounds to make words. But before they reach adult grammar (fully developed mental grammar), an important stage that all children must go through is the telegraph stage, when they try to put simple words into sentences, for example, "Mommy gives cookies" ( 'Mommy, give me a cookie.') and "The dog does not bite" ('The dog does not bite.'). The words they use at this stage are called meaning words.
Content words are lexical morphemes with semantic content; that is, they have a specific meaning. They are usually open class words because new content words can be easily introduced into the language. For example, nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs are meaningful words because they all convey semantic concepts. However, we consider derivational affixes and negatives to be meaningful words, because they change the meaning of the base form.
On the other hand, function words or grammatical words are lexical morphemes that have a grammatical relationship rather than a semantic meaning. They are only there to make a grammatical sentence
need For example, article, conjunction, loading, auxiliary, participle, particle, inflectional affixes are function words.
It is often very easy to distinguish content words from task words. Words denoting things, abstract thoughts, actions, properties, and behaviors are called meaningful words. Words that have no meaning but must be present to make a grammatical sentence are function words. But some words sound like both! For example, "will" as a noun (content) means to motivate to do something, while as an auxiliary (function) it means the future of the action. Here we say that the word "will" is in the process of grammaticalization.
Grammaticalization is the process of changing a language so that a meaningful word (or cluster of meaningful words) becomes a function word. This process occurs when a meaningful word is used so often that over time it begins to lose its original meaning.
Grammaticalization is characterized by the following processes.
Semantic whitening (desemanticization): the word loses its semantic content. Because a content word is used frequently, it builds structure with surrounding words and becomes a partial task word. As the functionality increases, the semantic content gradually disappears.
Morphological reduction (decategorization): a word changes its content category to a grammatical structure. This process is the result of semantic bleaching.
Phonetic erosion: a word loses its phonological properties as a free morpheme and becomes a bound morpheme, eg I'm going to > I'm gonna > I'mma. Bernd and Kuteva suggest four types of phonetic erosion: loss of phonetic segments (complete syllabification), loss of suprasegmentals (stress, tones or intonation), loss of phonetic autonomy (independent syllabification) and phonetic simplification.
Coercion: When a meaningful word is used in a specific way in a specific context, it can become more grammatical over time. [forced media required.]
In the process of grammaticalization, meaningful words turn into functional words over time. Hopper and Traugott suggest grammaticalization as follows.[12]
content word ⇒ task word ⇒ clitic (complete word agreement) ⇒ inflectional affix


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