Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty


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Why-Nations-Fail -The-Origins-o-Daron-Acemoglu

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MPOWERMENT
May 12, 1978, seemed as if it were going to be a normal day at the
Scânia truck factory in the city of São Bernardo in the Brazilian state
of São Paulo. But the workers were restless. Strikes had been banned
in Brazil since 1964, when the military overthrew the democratic
government of President João Goulart. But news had just broken that
the government had been fixing the national inflation figures so that
the rise in the cost of living had been underestimated. As the 7:00
a.m. shift began, workers put down their tools. At 8:00 a.m., Gilson
Menezes, a union organizer working at the plant, called the union.
The president of the São Bernardo Metalworkers was a thirty-three-
year-old activist called Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (“Lula”). By noon
Lula was at the factory. When the company asked him to persuade
the employees to go back to work, he refused.
The Scânia strike was the first in a wave of strikes that swept across
Brazil. On the face of it these were about wages, but as Lula later
noted,
I think we can’t separate economic and political factors.…
The … struggle was over wages, but in struggling for
wages, the working class won a political victory.
The resurgence of the Brazilian labor movement was just part of a
much broader social reaction to a decade and a half of military rule.
The left-wing intellectual Fernando Henrique Cardoso, like Lula
destined to become president of Brazil after the re-creation of
democracy, argued in 1973 that democracy would be created in
Brazil by the many social groups that opposed the military coming
together. He said that what was needed was a “reactivation of civil
society … the professional associations, the trade unions, the
churches, the student organizations, the study groups and the
debating circles, the social movements”—in other words, a broad
coalition with the aim of re-creating democracy and changing
Brazilian society.
The Scânia factory heralded the formation of this coalition. By late


1978, Lula was floating the idea of creating a new political party, the
Workers’ Party. This was to be the party not just of trade unionists,
however. Lula insisted that it should be a party for all wage earners
and the poor in general. Here the attempts of union leaders to
organize a political platform began to coalesce with the many social
movements that were springing up. On August 18, 1979, a meeting
was held in São Paulo to discuss the formation of the Workers’ Party,
which brought together former opposition politicians, union leaders,
students, intellectuals, and people representing one hundred diverse
social movements that had begun to organize in the 1970s across
Brazil. The Workers’ Party, launched at the São Judas Tadeo
restaurant in São Bernardo in October 1979, would come to represent
all these diverse groups.
The party quickly began to benefit from the political opening that
the military was reluctantly organizing. In the local elections of 1982,
it ran candidates for the first time, and won two races for mayor.
Throughout the 1980s, as democracy was gradually re-created in
Brazil, the Workers’ Party began to take over more and more local
governments. By 1988 it controlled the governments in thirty-six
municipalities, including large cities such as São Paulo and Porto
Alegre. In 1989, in the first free presidential elections since the
military coup, Lula won 16 percent of the vote in the first round as
the party’s candidate. In the runoff race with Fernando Collor, he won
44 percent.
In taking over many local governments, something that accelerated
in the 1990s, the Workers’ Party began to enter into a symbiotic
relationship with many local social movements. In Porto Alegre the
first Workers’ Party administration after 1988 introduced
“participatory budgeting,” which was a mechanism for bringing
ordinary citizens into the formulation of the spending priorities of the
city. It created a system that has become a world model for local
government accountability and responsiveness, and it went along
with huge improvements in public service provision and the quality
of life in the city. The successful governance structure of the party at
the local level mapped into greater political mobilization and success


at the national level. Though Lula was defeated by Fernando
Henrique Cardoso in the presidential elections of 1994 and 1998, he
was elected president of Brazil in 2002. The Workers’ Party has been
in power ever since.
The formation of a broad coalition in Brazil as a result of the
coming together of diverse social movements and organized labor has
had a remarkable impact on the Brazilian economy. Since 1990
economic growth has been rapid, with the proportion of the
population in poverty falling from 45 percent to 30 percent in 2006.
Inequality, which rose rapidly under the military, has fallen sharply,
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