1 Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn 200 Years Together Russo-Jewish History
Thus, they thought to weaken the crescendo of revolutionary waves. Sources
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Thus, they thought to weaken the crescendo of revolutionary waves. Sources: [1] Evreyskaya Entsiklopediya (dalee – EE). [The Jewish Encyclopedia (from here - JE)]. V 16 T. Sankt-Peterburg.: Obshchestvo dlya Nauchnikh Evreyskikh Izdaniy i Izdatel’stvo Brokgauz-Efron, 1906-1913. T. 12, s. 611. Society for Scientific Jewish Publications and Publisher Brokgauz-Efron. [2] Yu. Gessen. Istoriya evreyskogo naroda v Rossii (dalee – Yu. Gessen): V2 T. L., 1925-1927. T2., s. 215-216. History of the Jewish People of Russia (from here – Yu. Gessen). [3] Ibid. Pages 216-217. [4] EE, T 12, page 612. [5] L. Praysman [Priceman]. Pogromi i samooborona. [Pogroms and Self-defense+ //”22”: Obshchestvenno- politicheskiy i literaturniy zhurnal evreyskoy intelligentsii iz SSSR v Izraile [Public -Political and Literary Journal of the Jewish Intelligentsia from the USSR in Israel]. Tel -Aviv, 1986/87, No51, p. 174. [6] Kratkaya Evreyskaya Entsiklopediya (dale – KEE) [The Short Jewish Encyclopedia (from here - SJE)]: [V10 T.] Jerusalem, 1976-2001. T 6, p. 562. [7] EE [JE], T 12, p. 612. [8] KEE [SJE], T 4, p.256. [9] Ibid. T 6, p. 562. [10] EE [JE], T 12, p 612-613. [11] Ibid., p. 612. [12] KEE [SJE], T 1, p. 325. [13] S. Ginzburg. Nastroeniya evreyskoy molodezhi v 80-kh godakh proshlogo stoletiya. [The attitudes of Jewish Youth in the 80s Years of the Previous Century] // Evreyskiy mir [Jewish World]: Sb 2 [Anthology 2] (dalee – EM- 2) [from here - JW-2+. New York: Soyuz russkikh evreyev v N’yu Yorke *Union of Russian Jews in New York+, 1944, p. 383. [14] EE [EJ], T 12, p 611. [15] I. Orshanskiy. Evrei v Rossii: Ocherki i issledovaniya [The Jews in Russi a: Essays and Research]. Vip. 1. Sankt- Peterburg, 1872, p 212-222. [16] EE [EJ] T 12,, p.613. [17] KEE [SJE], T 6, p. 562. [18] EE [JE] T 1, p. 826. [19] Yu. Gessen, T 12, p. 222. [20] EE [JE], T 12, p. 613. [21] KEE [SJE], T 6, p 562-563.
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[22] S.M. Dubnov. Noveyshaya Istoriya: Ot frantsuzkoy revolutsii 1789 goda do mirovoy voyni 1914 goda [A New History: from the French Revolution of 1789 to the First World War of 1914]: V3 T. Berlin: Grani, 1923. T3 (1881-1914), p. 107. [23] EE [JE], T 6, p. 612. [24] R. Kantor*. Aleksandr III o evreyskikh pogromakh 1881-1883 gg. [Aleksandr III on the Jewish Pogroms, 1881-1883+//Evreyskaya letopis’ *The Jewish Chronicle+: Sb. *Anthology+ 1. M.; Pg.: Paduga, 1923, p. 154. *25+ A. L’vov // Novaya gazeta *New Gazette+, New York, 1981, No70, 5-11 September, p. 26. [26] KEE [SJE], T 6, p. 563. [27] Mezhdunarodnaya evreyskaya gazeta [International Jewish Gazette], 1992, March, No6 (70), p. 7. [28] Yu. Gessen, T 2, p. 215. [29] Zerno: Rabochiy listok [The Truth, (Grain of)]: Worker’s Leaflet, June 1881, No3 //Istoriko-Revolyutsioniy Sbornik (dalee – IPC) [Historical-Revolutionary Anthology (from here - HRA)] / Under the Editorship of V.I. Nevskiy: V 3 T.M.; L.: GIZ, 1924-1926. T 2, p. 360-361. [30] Yu. Gessen, T 2, p. 217. [31] EE [JE], T 12, p. 614. [32] Ibid. T 3, p. 723. *33+ M. Krol’. Kishinevskiy pogrom 1903 goda i Kishinevskiy pogromniy protsess *The Kishinev Pogrom of 1903 and the Kishinev Pogrom Process] // EM-2, p. 370. [34] Max Raisin. A History of the Jews in Modern Times. 2nd ed., New York: Hebrew Publishing Company, 1923, p. 163. [35] G.B. Sliozberg. Dela minuvshikh dney: Zapiski russkogo evreya [Things of Days Bygone: Notes of a Russian Jew]: V 3 T. Paris, 1933-1934. T 1, p. 118; T 3, p.53. *36+ L. Praysman // “22,” 1986, No51, p. 175. [37] KEE [SJE] T 6, p. 562-563. [38] Yu. Gessen. T 2, p. 216, 220. *39+ R. Kantor* // Evreyskaya letopis’ *The Jewish Chonicle+: Sb. *Anthology+ 1, M.; Pg.: Raduga, 1923, p. 152. [40] Yu. Gessen. T 2, p 218. [41] KEE [SJE], T 6, p. 692. [42] Yu. Gessen, T 2, p 219-220. *43+ Gleb Uspenskiy. Vlast’ zemli *The Authority of the Land+. L.: Khudozh. Lit., 1967, p. 67, 88. [44] EE* [JE], T 1, p. 826. [45] Ibid*, T 12, p. 614
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*46+ G.B. Sliozberg. Dela minuvshikh dney… *Things of Days Bygone+, T 1, p. 106. [47] A. Lesin. Epizodi iz moey zhizni [Episodes from My Life] // EM-2, p. 385-387. [48] EE [JE], T 12, p. 617-618. [49] Yu. Gessen, T 2, p. 218. *50+ L. Praisman // “22,” 1986, No51, p. 173. [51] EE [JE]*, T 1, p. 826. [52] Yu. Gessen, T 2, p. 215. [53] Katorga i ssilka: Istoriko-revolyutsioniy vestnik [Hard Labor and Exile: The Historical-Revolutionary Bulletin] Book 48, Moscow, 1928, p. 50-52. [54] D. Shub. Evrei v russkoy revolyutsii [Jews in the Russian Revolution] // EM-2, p. 129-130. [55] IPC [IRS], T 2, p. 360-361. [56] EE [JE], T 9, p. 381. [57] I.S. Aksakov. Sochineniya [Essays]: V 7 T. Moscow, 1886-1887. T 3, p. 690, 693, 708, 716, 717, 719, 722. [58] M.E. Saltykov-Shchedrin. Iyul’skoe veyanie *The July's Spirit+ // Otechestvennie zapiski [Homeland Notes], 1882, No 8. [59] EE [JE], T 16, p. 142. *60+ Sh. Markish. O evreyskoy nenavisti k Rossii *About Jewish Hatred toward Russia+ // “22,” 1984, No38, p. 216. [61] EE [JE], T 2, p. 741. [62] KEE [SJE], T 5, p. 463. [63] Yu. Gessen*, T 2, p. 220-221. [64] EE [JE], T 1, p. 827. [65] Yu. Gessen, T 2, p. 221. [66] EE [JE], T 1, p. 827. [67] Yu. Gessen, T 2, p. 221. [68] EE [JE], T 1, p. 827-828. [69] Ibid*. T 2, p. 742-743. [70] Ibid*, T 1, p. 827-828. [71] Ibid, T 9, p. 690-691. [72] EE [JE], T 2, p. 744.
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[73] Yu. Gessen*, T 2, p. 222. [74] EE [JE] T 2, p. 744. [75] Ibid. T 1, p. 829-830. [76] Yu. Gessen, T 2, p. 226-227; KEE [SJE], T 7, p. 341. [77] EE [JE], T 5, p. 815-817. [78] Ibid. T 12, p. 616. [79] EE* [JE], T 5, p 815-817. [80] Ibid. p. 816-819. [81] KEE [SJE], T 7, p. 342. [82] EE {JE], T 5, p. 610-611. [83] Yu. Larin. Evrei i antisemitizm v SSSR [Jews and Anti -Semitism in the USSR]. M.; L.: GIZ, 1929, p. 49-50. [84] I.M. Dizhur. Evrei v ekonomicheskoy zhizni Rossii [Jews in the Economic Life of Russia] // [Sankt-Peterburg.] Kniga o russkom evreystve: Ot 1860-kh godov do Revolyutsii 1917 g. [The Book of Russian Jewry: from the 1860s to the Revolution of 1917]. (dalee – KRE-1) [henceforth - KRE-1]. New York: Soyuz Russkikh Evreyev [Union of Russian Jews], 1960, p. 160. [85] I.M. Dizhur. Itogi i perspektivi evreyskoy emigratsii [Outcomes and Perspectives of Jewish Emigration] // EM-2, p. 34. [86] Yu. Larin. The Jews and Anti -Semitism in the USSR, p. 52-53. [87] EE [JE] T 1, p. 947. [88] Ibid. T 16, p. 264. [89] M. Osherovich. Russkie evrei v Soedinenikh Shtatakh Ameriki [Russian Jews in the United Statees of America] // KRE-1, p. 287. [90] Ya. D. Leshchinskiy. Evreyskoe naselenie Rossii i evreyskii trud. The Jewish Population of Russia a nd Jewish Trouble] // KRE-1, p. 190. [91] Sbornik materialov ob ekonomicheskom polozheniya evreyev v Rossii [An Anthology of Materials about the Economic Condition of the Jews in Russia]. Sankt-Peterburg.: Evreyskoe Kolonizatsionnoe Obshchestvo [Jewish Colonization Society], 1904. T 1. p. xxxiii -xxxv, xiv-xivi. [92] Yu. Gessen, T 2, p. 210; EE [JE], T 11, p. 534-539. *93+ G.B. Sliozberg. Dela minuvshikh dney…T 1, p. 98, 105. *94+ G.Ya. Aronson. V bor’be za grazhdanskie i natsional’nie prava: Obshchestvennie techeniya v russkom evreystve [In the Struggle for the Civil and National Rights: Social Currents in Russian Jewry] // KRE-1, p. 208. *95+ Gershon Svet. Russkie evrei v sionizme i v stroitel’stve Palestini i Izrailya *Russian Jews in Zionism and in the Building of Palestine and Israel] // KRE-1, p. 241-242. 97
[96] EE [JE], T 12, p. 526. [97] Ibid. T 5, p. 862, T 3, p. 700. [98] Ibid*, T 1, p. 832-833. [99] Yu. Gessen*, T2, p. 227-228. [100] EE [JE], T 3, p. 85. [101] Ibid. T 1, p. 832-834. [102] Ibid, T 3, p. 167. [103] Ibid. T 1, p. 836. [104] Ibid. T 3, p. 167. [105] Yu. Gessen, T 2, p. 230. [106] Yu. Gessen, T 2, p. 229. [107] EE [JE], T 13, p. 51; T 1, p. 834-835. [108] Yu. Gessen, T 2, p. 231. [109] EE [JE], T 1, p. 835. [110] Ibid. p. 834. [111] Ibid*, T 13, p. 51.
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Chapter 13: The February Revolution The 123-year-old history of unequal citizenship of the Jewish people in Russia, from the Act of Catherine the Great of 1791, ended with the February Revolution. It bears looking into the atmosphere of those February days; what was the state of society by the moment of emancipation? There were no newspapers during the first week of the Revolutionary events in Petrograd. And then they began trumpeting, not looking for the ways to rebuild the state but vying with each other in denouncing all the things of the past. In an unprecedented gesture, the newspaper of the Constitutional Democrats (Kadets), Rech, announced that from now on “all Russian life must be rebuilt from the roots.”*1+ (A thousand-year life! — why, all of a sudden from “the roots”?) And the Stock-Market News announced a program of action: “Yank, yank all these weed-roots out! No need to worry that there might be some useful plants among them — it’s better to weed them all even at the price of unavoidable innocent victims.”*2+ (Was this really March 1917 or March 1937?) The new Minister of Foreign Affairs Milyukov bowed and scraped: “Up to now we blushed in front of our allies because of our government…. Russia was a dead weight for our allies.”[3] Rarely in those beginning days was it possible to hear reasonable suggestions about rebuilding Russia. The streets of Petrograd were in chaos, the police were non-functional and all over the city there was continuous disorderly gunfire. But everything poured into a general rejoicing, though for every concrete question, there was a mess of thoughts and opinions, a cacophony of debating pens. All the press and society agreed on one thing — the immediate legislative enactment of Jewish equality. Fyodor Sologub eloquently wrote in the Birzheviye Vedomosti: “The most essential beginning of the civil freedom, without which our land cannot be blessed, the people cannot be righteous, national achievements would not be sanctified … — is the repeal of all religious and racial restrictions.” The equality of Jews advanced very quickly. The 1st of March [old calendar style], one day before the abdication, a few hours before the infamous “Order No. 1,” which pushed the army to collapse, V. Makhlakov and M. Adzhemov, two commissars of the Duma Committee delegated to the Ministry of Justice, had issued an internal Ministry of Justice directive, ordering to enlist all Jewish-assistants to attorneys-at-law into the Guild of Judicial Attorneys. “Already by the 3rd of March … the Chairman of the State Duma, M. Rodzianko, and the Prime Minister of the Provisional Government, Prince G. Lvov, signed a declaration which stated that one of the main goals of the new government is a `repeal of all restrictions based upon religion, nationality and social class.´”*4+ Then, on the 4th of March, the Defense Minister Guchkov proposed to open a path for the Jews to become military officers, and the Minister of Education Manuelov proposed to repeal the percentage quotas on the Jews. Both proposals were accepted without obstacles. On the 6th of March the Minister of Trade and Manufacturing, Konovalov, started to eliminate “national restrictions in corporative 99
legislation,” that is, a repeal of the law forbidding purchase of land by companies with Jewish executives. These measures were quickly put into practice. By the 8th of March in Moscow, 110 Jewish “assistants” were raised to the status of attorneys-at-law; by March 9th in Petrograd — 124 such Jews[5]; by the 8th of March in Odessa — 60.[6] On the 9th of March the City Duma of Kiev, not waiting for the upcoming elections, included in its body five Jews with voting power.[7] And here — on March 20 the Provisional Government made a resolution, prepared by the Minister of Justice, A. Kerensky, with the participation of members of the political bureau of Jewish deputies in the 4th State Duma … legislated an act, published on March 22, that repealed “all restrictions on the rights of Russian citizens, regardless of religious creed, dogma or nationality.” This was, in essence, the first broad legislative act of the Provisional Government. “At the request of the political bureaus (of Jewish deputies), the Jews were not specifically mentioned in the resolution.”*8+ But in order to “repeal all the restrictions on Jews in all of our laws, in order to uproot … completely the inequality of Jews,” G.B. Sliozberg recalls, “it was necessary to make a complete list of all the restrictions … and the collation of the list of laws to be repealed required great thoroughness and experience.” (This task was undertaken by Sliozberg and L.M. Bramson.)*9+ The Jewish Encyclopedia says: “The Act listed the statutes of Russian law that were being abolished by the Act — almost all those statutes (there were nearly 150) contained some or other anti-Jewish restrictions. Subject to repeal were, in part, all proscriptions connected to the Pale of Settlement; thereby its factual liquidation in 1915 was legally validated.[10] The restrictions were removed layer by layer: travel, habitation, educational institutions, participation in local self-government, the right to acquire property anywhere in Russia, participation in government contracts, from stock exchanges, hiring servants, workers and stewards of a different religion, the right to occupy high positions in the government and military service, guardianship and trusteeship. Recalling a cancellation of an agreement with the United States, they repealed similar restrictions on “foreigners who are not at war with the Russian government,” mainly in reference to Jews coming from the United States. The promulgation of the Act inspired many emotional speeches. Deputy Freedman of the State Duma asserted: “For the past thirty-five years the Jews have been subjected to oppression and humiliation, unheard of and unprecedented even in the history of our long suffering people…. All of it … was the result of state-sponsored anti-Semitism.”*11+ Attorney O.O. Gruzenberg stated: “If the pre-Revolution Russian government was a vast and monstrous prison, … then its most stinking, terrible cell, its torture chamber was carted away for us, the six-million Jewish people. And for the first time the Jewish child learned … about this usurious term `interest´ in the state school…. Like hard labor camp pris oners on their way to camp, all Jews were chained together as despised aliens…. The drops of blood of our 100
fathers and mothers, the drops of blood of our sisters and brothers fell on our souls, there igniting and enlivening the unextinguishable Revolutionary fire.”*12+ Rosa Georgievna, the wife of Vinaver, recalls: “The events (of the March 1917 Revolution) coincided with the Jewish Passover. It looked like this was a second escape from Egypt. Such a long, long path of suffering and struggle has passed, and how quickly everything had happened. A large Jewish meeting was called,” at which Milyukov spoke: “At last, a shameful spot has been washed away from Russia, which can now bravely step into the ranks of civilized nations.” Vinaver “proposed to the gathering to build a large Jewish public house in Petrograd in memory of the meeting, which will be called “The House of Freedom.”*13+ Three members of the State Duma, M. Bomash, E. Gurevich and N. Freedman published an “open letter to the Jewish people”: that now “our military misfortunes could deal grave damage to the still infirm free Russia. Free Jewish warriors … will draw new strength for the ongoing struggle, with the tenfold energy extending the great feat of arms.” And here was the natural plan: “The Jewish people should quickly re-organize their society. The long- obsolete forms of our communal life must be renewed on the free, democratic principles.”*14+ The author-journalist David Eisman responded to the Act with an outcry: “Our Motherland! Our Fatherland! They are in trouble! With all our hearts … we will defend our land…. Not since the defense of the Temple has there been such a sacred feat of arms.” And from the memoirs of Sliozberg: “The great fortune to have lived to see the day of the declaration of emancipation of Jews in Russia and the elimination of our lack of rights — everything I have fought for with all my strength over the course of three decades — did not fill me with the joy as it should had been,” because the collapse had begun right away.*15] And seventy years later one Jewish author expressed doubts too: “Did that formal legislative Act really change the situation in the country, where all legal norms were precipitously losing their power?”*16+ We answer: in hindsight, from great distance, one should not downplay the significance of what was achieved. Then, the Act suddenly and dramatically improved the situation of the Jews. As for the rest of the country, falling, with all its peoples, into an abyss — that was the unpredictable way of the history. The most abrupt and notable change occurred in the judiciary. If earlier, the Batyushin’s commission on bribery investigated the business of the obvious crook D. Rubinstein, now the situation became reversed: the case against Rubinstein was dropped, and Rubinstein paid a visit to the Extraordinary Investigatory Commission in the Winter Palace and successfully demanded prosecution of the Batyushin’s commission itself. Indeed, in March 1917 they arrested General Batyushin, Colonel Rezanov, and other investigators. The investigation of activities of that commission began in April, and, as it turned out, the extortion of bribes 101
from the bankers and sugar factory owners by them was apparently significant. Then the safes of Volga-Kama, Siberian, and Junker banks, previously sealed up by Batyushin, were unsealed and all the documents returned to the banks. (Semanovich and Manus were not so lucky. When Simanovich was arrested as secretary to Rasputin, he offered 15,000 rubles to the prison convoy guards, if they would let him make a phone call, yet “the request was, of course, turned down.”*17+ As for Manus, suspected of being involved in shady dealings with the German agent Kolyshko, he battled the counterintelligence agents who came for him by shooting through his apartment’s door. After his arrest, he fled the country). The situation in the Extraordinary Investigatory Commission of the Provisional Government can be manifestly traced by records of interrogations in late March. Protopopov was asked how he came to be appointed to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and in response he mentioned the directive issued by him: “the residence rights of the Jews were significantly expanded” in Moscow. Asked about the priorities of his Ministry, he first recalled the foodstuffs affair, and, after then the progressive issue — the Jewish question….” The director of the Department of Police, A.T. Vasilyev didn’t miss an opportunity to inform the interrogators that he helped defend the sugar factory owners (Jews): “Gruzenberg called me in the morning in my apartment and thanked me for my cooperation”; “Rosenberg … visited me to thank me for my efforts on his behalf.”*18+ In this way, the accused tried to get some leniency for themselves. A notable aspect of the weeks of March was an energetic pursuit of known or suspected Judeophobes. The first one arrested, on February 27, was the Minister of Justice Scheglovitov. He was accused of personally giving the order to unjustly pursue the case against Beilis. In subsequent days, the Beilis’s accusers, the prosecutor Vipper and Senator Chaplinsky, were also arrested. (However, they were not charged with anything specific, and in May 1917 Vipper was merely dismissed from his position as the chief prosecutor of the Criminal Department of the Senate; his fate was sealed later, by the Bolsheviks). The court investigator Mashkevich was ordered to resign — for during the Beilis trial he had sanctioned not only expert witness testimony against the argument on the ritual murder, but he also allowed a second expert testimony arguing for the case of such murder. The Minister of Justice Kerensky requested transfer of all materials of the Beilis case from the Kiev Regional Court,[19] planning a loud re-trial, but during the stormy course of 1917 that didn’t happen. The chairman of the “Union of the Russian People,” Dmitry Dubrovin, was arrested and his archive was seized; the publishers of the far-right newspapers Glinka- Yanchevsky and Poluboyarinova were arrested too; the bookstores of the Monarchist Union were simply burned down. For two weeks, they hunted for the fugitives N. Markov and Zamyslovsky, doing nightly searches for two weeks in St. Petersburg, Kiev and Kursk. Zamislovsky was hunted for his participation in the case against Beilis, and Markov, obviously, for his speeches in the State Duma. At the same time, they didn’t touch Purishkevich, one assumes, because of his Revolutionary speeches in the Duma and his participation in the murder of Rasputin. An ugly
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