1 The main units of derivational analysis


Derivation Versus Inflection


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1 The main units of derivational analysis

4 Derivation Versus Inflection


The distinction between derivation and inflection is a functional one rather than a formal one, as Booij has pointed out. Either derivation or inflection may be effected by formal means like affixation, reduplication, internal modification of bases, and other morphological processes. But derivation serves to create new lexemes while inflection prototypically serves to modify lexemes to fit different grammatical contexts. In the clearest cases, derivation changes category, for example taking a verb like employ and making it a noun (employment, employer, employee) or an adjective (employable), or taking a noun like union and making it a verb (unionize) or an adjective (unionish, unionesque). Derivation need not change category, however. For example, the creation of abstract nouns from concrete ones in English (king ~ kingdom; child ~ childhood) is a matter of derivation, as is the creation of names for trees (poirier ‘pear tree’) from the corresponding fruit (poire ‘pear’) in French, even though neither process changes category. Derivational prefixation in English tends not to change category, but it does add substantial new meaning, for example creating negatives (unhappy, inconsequential), various quantitative or relational forms (tricycle, preschool, submarine) or evaluatives (megastore, miniskirt). Inflection typically adds grammatical information about number (singular, dual, plural), person (first, second, third), tense (past, future), aspect (perfective, imperfective, habitual), and case (nominative, accusative), among other grammatical categories that languages might mark.
Nevertheless, there are instances that are difficult to categorize, or that seem to fall somewhere between derivation and inflection. Many of the difficult cases hinge on determining the necessary and sufficient criteria in defining derivation. Certainly, category change is not necessary, as there are many obvious cases of derivation that do not involve category change. But further, Haspelmath has argued that there are cases of inflection (participles of various sorts, for example) that are category-changing, so that this criterion cannot even be said to be sufficient. Productivity has also been used as a criterion—inflection typically being completely productive, derivation being only sporadically productive—but some derivation is just as productive as inflection, for example, forming nouns from adjectives with -ness in English, and some inflection displays lexical that the Dutch infinitive bloemlezen ‘to make an anthology’ does not correspond to any finite forms), so productivity is neither necessary nor sufficient for distinguishing inflection and derivation. Anderson makes the criterion of relevance to syntax the most important one for distinguishing inflection from derivation; inflection is invariably relevant to syntax, derivation not. But Booij has argued that even this criterion is problematic unless we are clear what we mean by relevance to syntax11. Case inflections, for example, mark grammatical context, and are therefore clearly inflectional. Number-marking on verbs is arguably inflectional when it is triggered by the number of subject or object, but number on nouns or tense and aspect on verbs is a matter of semantic choice, independent of grammatical configuration. Booij therefore distinguishes what he calls contextual inflection, inflection triggered by distinctions elsewhere in a sentence, from inherent inflection, inflection that does not depend on syntactic context, the latter being closer to derivation than the former. Some theorists postulate a continuum from derivation to inflection, with no clear dividing line between them. Another position is that of Scalise , who has argued that evaluative morphology is neither inflectional nor derivational but rather constitutes a third category of morphology.

1.2 Derivation Versus Compounding


The distinction between derivation and compounding, unlike that between derivation and inflection, is a formal rather than a functional one. Both derivation and compounding may be involved in lexeme formation. As Olsen points out, both are typically binary-branching and both may be recursive. Compounding, however, involves the combination of two or more lexemes, which in the prototypical case are free bases. Derivation involves modification of bases, either by affixation, reduplication, or internal changes of various sorts.
The distinction between compounds and words derived via subtractive processes or processes of internal modification is generally unproblematic. However, it is not always a simple matter to distinguish clearly between compounding and affixation, and there has been much discussion of the problems involved in finding the dividing line between the two Where word formation involves the combining of robustly contentful free lexemes we can be confident that we have compounding. Where one or more of the formatives involved in word formation is bound, semantically less robust, and fixed in position, we may be confident that we have affixal derivation. The fuzzy borderline between compounding and affixal derivation lies where we find the combination of bound forms that are not fixed in position, or semantically more robust than typical, or that derive historically from or are related to free forms.
However, even for neoclassical combining forms that are fixed in position (for example, -itis and -ology are always final, endo- and exo- always initial), theorists are reluctant to call them affixes, as we would inevitably be drawn to the conclusion that a word could be formed from affixes alone, without any base therefore consider these compounds of sorts, even though they are composed of bound forms.
Another reason for the fuzziness of the boundary between affixation and compounding is diachronic change. As Bauer points out, free forms may over time become affixes and determining when the transition has been completed can be difficult. Trips traces the development of free forms in Old English like hād ‘office, rank, status’ and dōm ‘judgment, status, jurisdiction’ into the suffixes -hood and -dom in contemporary English. Olsen traces a similar trajectory for the suffix -heit in German. Steps from compounding element to affix include semantic abstraction, frequent occurrence in a fixed position, and dissociation from the corresponding free form , and often prosodic weakening and greater phonological integration with the base. Frequently formatives occupy an indeterminate position between free form occurring in a compound and bona fide affix in which they have variously been called ‘affixoids’although not all theorists believe that having a separate term for such intermediate forms is useful



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