Chapter Survey of Dasht-e Rostam-e Yek and Dasht-e Rostam-e Do M. Zeidi, B. McCall and A. Khosrowzadeh
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- Kaftari period
- Elamite and painted ware traditions of the later 2nd and early 1st millennia BC
- Achaemenid period
- Post-Achaemenid periods
- Sasanian and Islamic periods
Banesh period Ceramics (Figure 6.15) The Banesh period is marked by the appearance of distinctive mass-produced grit and vegetal-tempered ceramic forms, including the bevelled-rim bowl (BRB), the low-sided tray, and a range of goblet forms and painted wares that are well known at Tal-e Malyan and other sites in the Kur River Basin (Alden 1979; Nicholas 1990; Sumner 2003). Early, Middle and Late Banesh phases have been defined for the Kur River Basin through excavations at Tal-e Malyan and Tal-e Kureh, with the Late Banesh phase marked by the appearance of distinctive painted wares (see Alden 1979: Fig. 42; Sumner 1985; Abdi 2001). However, the excavation of Banesh phase deposits at Tol-e Nurabad (Phases A11-A6, see Chapter 3) and Tol-e Spid (Phase 18, see Chapter 4.3.2) has shown that the red-slipped buff ware first seen in the Lapui period, was used in the Banesh period to produce similar vessel forms and a range of new shapes (see Chapter 4.7.2). It is typically not straightforward to differentiate the specific forms that were used in each period, so here Banesh period occupation has been identified through the presence of vegetal and/or grit- tempered wares, which has been used to make distinctive hand, mould and wheel made vessels forms such as the BRB and tray forms.
Banesh wares have been identified at 8 sites in Mamasani (MS8, MS12, MS14, MS22, MS39, MS43, MS47 and MS51), and they were collected in far fewer numbers than sherds from other phases. While this suggests that there was a sharp decline in the numbers of settlements in Mamasani during the Banesh period, it may also be an artefact of the difficulty in recognising Banesh wares in surface assemblages.
A number of these sites (MS8, MS14, MS39, MS43, and MS51) appear to contain ceramics that may be similar to Terminal Lapui to Initial/Early Banesh wares at Tal-e Kureh in the Kur River Basin (Alden 2003a). Whilst still only speculative this may indicate some degree of continuity from the previous phase, and these fragments have been included here with Banesh wares (cf. Voigt and Dyson 1992:140). Of these MS39, MS43 and MS51 provided the best evidence for Tal-e Kureh types. If this is the case a decline in later Banesh phase materials means we may be able to surmise that a decline in site numbers took place after the earliest Banesh phases. It is notable that none of the material from Tol-e Spid Phase 19 resembled Tal-e Kureh Terminal Lapui forms, although it does appear to be transitional between the Lapui and Banesh phases (see Chapter 4.8.2). Later Banesh phases were less well represented in the survey, but included, MS22, MS47 and MS51. Identification relied heavily on comparisons with ceramics from Phase 18 at Tol-e Spid. Some sherds showed strong stylistic parallels to Banesh forms but often the fabrics were slightly different to published forms and may represent local variants.
In the Banesh phase there appears to have been a considerable decline in the number of settled sites. There are fewer settlements than during the Lapui period, but there is general continuity in settlement location, and only MS22 in Dasht-e Rostam-e Do appears to have been newly founded during this period. Although the largest
155 sites occupied during this period (MS39 and MS51) are situated in the Dasht-e Rostam-e Yek, most of the other smaller sites are located in Dasht-e Rostam-e Do 8 . Such a trend has been observed in the Kur River Basin, and elsewhere between Fars and Khuzestan (e.g. Sumner 1972; Alizadeh 2003b: 88, Wright and Carter, E. 2003: 67), indicating that the phenomenon was not restricted to the survey area alone. However, it must be remembered that in the Kur River Basin, the reduction in the number of sites in this period was in some ways matched by the rise of the urban site of Tal-e Malyan, which may have drawn much of the regional population within its environs. At present we have little idea if there was any expansion of site size in Mamasani at any of the potentially larger sites during this period, so it is difficult to assess whether a similar trend occurred here.
The excavations at Tal-e Malyan have demonstrated that although there is a dramatic depopulation of the Kur River Basin after the Banesh period, there is continued occupation at Malyan itself (attested by the H5 and H1s soundings, Miller and Sumner 2004; Alden et al. 2005). There is clear evidence for a long gap between Banesh and Kaftari phases at both Tol-e Nurabad and Tol-e Spid. It was not possible to identify any evidence for a Banesh- Kaftari transition from the survey material alone.
The Kaftari period is marked by the appearance of distinctive painted buff or light brown ceramics, as well as red-slipped and grey wares that have grit and vegetal temper, best known from the excavations at Tal-e Malyan (Nickerson 1983). Typical Kaftari vessel forms include necked jars with flattened rims (e.g. MSP 551, 1009, 1032, 1677, 1680), with painted geometric motifs commonly combining horizontal and vertical bands and cross-hatching. Kaftari period ceramics occur at both Tol- e Spid (Phases 17-15) and Tol-e Nurabad (Phases A5- A3). At both sites there appears to be a gap of some sort between the Banesh and Kaftari periods indicated by the stratigraphy and the available radiocarbon dates. There does, however, appear to be evidence for Middle and Late Kaftari phases at Tol-e Spid, suggested by changes in the ceramic assemblages, and by the radiocarbon dates (see Chapter 4.7).
Kaftari wares have so far been identified at 9 sites (MS1, MS4, MS8, MS12, MS14, MS24, MS44, MS47 and MS51). The best available evidence comes from the presence of the distinctive slipped and painted buff to brown wares, found at MS4, MS8, MS12, MS14, MS24, MS44 and MS51. Kaftari red wares were harder to identify but were recorded at MS4, MS44 and MS47. The major sites appear to have been MS8, MS12 and MS14 in Rostam-e Do and MS44 located in the far north-western corner of Rostam-e Yek (see Figure 6.5). MS47 had none of the light brown painted wares so is still viewed with some caution as a Kaftari site, with attributions based on red-slipped wares alone.
With the Kaftari period there is an apparent increase in sedentary population in the valleys, with a number of securely identified sites emerging, mostly located within Dasht-e Rostam-e Do. The pattern of site locations is quite different from earlier periods, and sees a move away from previously occupied areas. A group of sites cluster around the pass between the valleys, whilst no evidence has yet been found for Kaftari period occupation at the southern end of Dasht-e Rostam-e Yek. Interestingly, no Kaftari ceramics have been identified at MS40 (the structures adjacent to rock reliefs of Kurangun), although parts of the relief are believed to be contemporary with the Kaftari period (Potts 1999: 182) 9 .
Elamite and painted ware traditions of the later 2nd and early 1st millennia BC Ceramics (Figures 6.17-6.20) The later 2 nd and early 1 st millennia BC in Fars are characterised by a number of distinctive ceramic wares that include both plain (Middle Elamite) and painted (Qaleh, Shogha and Teimuran) varieties (Carter, E. 1992: 295-7). Middle Elamite plain-ware ceramics are best known from Susa and Chogha Zanbil in Khuzestan (Gasche 1973), and Tappeh Farukhabad in Deh Luran (Wright 1981), and are also known from Operation EDD at Tal-e Malyan (Carter, E. 1996). The plain wares observed in the survey are typically brown or orange- brown in colour, have grit and/or vegetal temper, and appear in bowl (e.g. MSP 576, 790, 976, 1054, and 1716), goblet (e.g. 578, 999, 1050), and jar forms (e.g. MSP 553, 559, 557, 615, 644, 655, 661, 866, 889, 943, 1001, 1014, 1018, 1040, 1047, 1682, and 1713), with a range of distinctive neck, rim and base varieties. Ridges and finger impressed cordons on jars (e.g. MSP 792, 943, 889, 1040, 1041, 1042, 1681, 1682 and 1690) are also diagnostic. The stylistically distinct but generally contemporaneous Qaleh, Shogha, and Teimuran 10 painted wares from Fars are each marked by characteristic decorative styles and fabrics. Qaleh ware is typically decorated with simple horizontal and vertical bands, cross-hatching and dashes (e.g. MSP 103, 605, 1690, 1944), and ceramic typological parallels and radiocarbon dates suggest that Phases A2b-A1 at Tol-e Nurabad can be dated to the Qaleh period 11 . Shogha ware is a hand made red ware covered in a white slip and decorated with distinctive black bands and motifs, while Teimuran ware is orange-red with coarse grit temper, and decorated with upright triangles and horizontal lines in brown or black (see Carter, E. 1992: 295-297).
As noted in Chapter 1.4, there is very little evidence for occupation in Fars that is contemporaneous with the Neo- Elamite period occupations known at Susa (Miroschedji 1981a) and sites in Ram Hormuz (Carter, E. 1994), and although there is a very limited chronological overlap between Shogha and Teimuran painted wares from Fars and the Neo-Elamite I plain wares from Susiana, there is a gap in our knowledge of Fars between 900 and 550 BC (see Chapter 1.4). Examples of Shogha and Teimuran wares were collected in the Mamasani Survey, indicating that there may have been occupation at least in the early 1 st
156 many Middle and Neo-Elamite forms, making it difficult to differentiate the two, and while there are a number of fragments that appear to have Neo-Elamite parallels, they also have Middle Elamite parallels. Typical forms include goblets (e.g. MSP 1951) and jars with various forms of collared, flattened or rounded rims (e.g. MSP 555, 611, 706, 992, 997, 1523), often with ridges below the rim (e.g. MSP 555, 611, 997).
There are 14 sites with Elamite or Fars painted wares (MS1, MS2, MS4, MS8, MS12, MS14, MS18, MS22, MS23, MS24, MS42, MS44, MS47 and MS51). Many sites continued to be in use from the Kaftari period. The major difference is the consolidation of the large site of MS24 in Dasht-e Rostam-e Do and the decline in relative importance of MS44. Settlement is focussed in Dasht-e Rostam-e Do, with only a few sites being located in Dasht-e Rostam-e Yek, to the north of the Rud-e Fahlian.
Of the sites recorded during the survey, MS24 is by far the most significant. Occupying a low mound of about 2 ha it is predominantly a single period site, even though some Kaftari pieces were found. MS24 is not now close to any visible water source, whereas MS12 and MS14 in the same valley are both adjacent to the streams which still form part of the natural drainage system within the valley. An examination of aerial photographs has shown however, some evidence for an old stream bed flowing beside MS24, which eventually drained into the Solak stream. This was part of the drainage network emanating from the large alluvial fan in Dasht-e Rostam-e Yek (see Chapter 2.4), and has no doubt been modified by many modern and historical canals constructed to control water flow. The establishment of a major site at MS24 during the Middle Elamite period indicates a shift in choices behind settlement location, potentially related to the desire to monitor the pass between the valleys.
There are possibly as many as 8 sites that have occupation dating to the early 1 st millennium BC (MS1, MS8, MS14, MS18, MS24, MS42, MS44, MS51), as suggested by the presence of Shogha and Teimuran painted wares and what are possibly Neo-Elamite plain- wares. This correlates with the possibility that there is Neo-Elamite occupation at Tol-e Nurabad (Phases B7a- b), and the recovery of Teimuran pottery from the surface of Tol-e Spid (MS51). Although these ceramic parallels are in many ways inconclusive, it is important to note that the figures shown proceeding down the stairways at Kurangun are believed to date to the Neo-Elamite period (8 th
th centuries BC) (see Chapter 1.4). While the sites with possible Neo-Elamite occupation in Dasht-e Rostam-e Do are widely dispersed and generally remain in the same locations as during the preceding period, the sites in Dasht-e Rostam-e Yek are all located reasonably close to the Kurangun relief (MS40). The potential for the presence of early 1 st millennium BC occupation in the Mamasani region, contemporaneous with additions to the Kurangun relief is of immense significance for our understanding of Elamite history in Fars (see Chapter 6).
Achaemenid period Ceramics (Figures 6.21-6.24) The Achaemenid period ceramic assemblages of Fars are marked by some clear leitfossils, such as the round bottomed carinated bowl, but excavations have shown that these vessels, and many other Achaemenid ceramic forms continued being used into the Post-Achaemenid period (e.g. Stronach 1978; Boucharlat and Haerinck 1992a: 302; Boucharlat 2003: 262) 12 . In addition to the round bottomed carinated bowl (e.g. MSP 853, 902, TS 439), typical ceramic forms recovered in the survey include various bowl forms with a range of lip shapes (e.g. MSP 95, 703, 1809, 1687, 1707, 1754, 1798, 1801, 1804, 1806, 1811, 1813, 1828 and 1949), and a number of distinctive jar forms, which predominantly have an upright neck and also appear with a variety of rim and lip forms (e.g. MSP 79, 80, 562, 852, 861, 883, 890, 894, 895, 905, 938, 1386, 1699, 1704, 1708, 1767, 1771, 1805, 1843, also MSP 666, 871, 1799, 1812, 1818). Decoration is typically limited to incised horizontal grooves combined with low ridges (e.g. MSP 1731, 1766, 1802), and storage jars often have raised ridges (e.g. MSP 892, 1768).
Using the available published data and the finds from Phases 12-11 at Tol-e Spid and Tol-e Nurabad Phases B5-B4 as a basis for identification, Achaemenid period wares were recorded from 16 sites (MS1, MS2, MS9, MS12, MS14, MS18, MS20, MS22, MS23, MS37, MS42, MS44, MS45, MS46, MS47, MS51), which were fairly evenly spread through Dasht-e Rostam-e Do and Yek. These are typically located in close proximity to water sources, but it is notable that there are a number of sites on the western side of Dasht-e Rostam-e Yek that appear to be either new foundations, or new foundations on top of long-abandoned prehistoric mounds.
The most significant Achaemenid period sites identified in the survey appear to be MS46 (Tappeh Servan/Jinjan) and the other sites located close to it in the western part of Dasht-e Rostam-e Yek (MS 45 and 47), and MS22, which is situated in the middle of Dasht-e Rostam-e Do. The presence of a large number of in situ architectural finds at MS46 and the presence of the other sites with Achaemenid material in close proximity suggests that Tappeh Servan/Jinjan was a component of the Achaemenid administration of the region (also see Asgari et al. in press), and may well have been an Achaemenid Royal way-station. MS22 is also characterised by the presence of large Achaemenid style column bases, but most are now in secondary locations. At present, the function of MS22 is not clear, but it is notable that the site lies approximately 17 km from Jinjan, placing it within range of most estimates of the distance between way stations (e.g. Koch 1986; Tuplin 1998: 104ff; see also Asgari Chaverdi et al. in press) 13 .
Post-Achaemenid periods Ceramics (Figures 6.21-6.24) A tentative differentiation between Achaemenid and Post-Achaemenid occupation at sites in Mamasani is
157 being proposed here, relying heavily upon the ceramic material from Phases 10 - 3 from Tol-e Spid, as well as the few published sites in Fars (e.g. Stronach 1978, Haerinck 1983). At this stage, our knowledge of local wares is still preliminary, and our interpretations are likely to be amended as work in Mamasani continues.
Up to 9 sites were found to contain minimal quantities of Post-Achaemenid (MS1, MS4, MS20, MS22, MS42, MS45, MS46, MS47, MS51), but few large assemblages were recovered. These sites are distributed throughout both Dasht-e Rostam-e Yek and Dasht-e Rostam-e Do, and were all occupied during the Achaemenid period. The upper phases from Tol-e Spid (Phases 10-3) present an elaborate sequence of occupation, marked by regular rebuilds and remodelling on that part of the mound, and the radiocarbon dates emphasise that the site might have been occupied from the end of the Achaemenid period right up to c.50 BC. The lack of newly founded sites suggests that there was a general continuity in settlement location, but it is not yet possible to say how this might relate to changes in settlement and population size.
The most distinctive ceramic forms from the Sasanian and Islamic periods are glazed and painted wares, but significant quantities of other wares were also being utilised. The Sasanian and Islamic periods have not yet been represented in the excavations at Tol-e Spid and Tol-e Nurabad, so at present there is no clear stratigraphic context that can be used to characterise local ceramics, so the survey material from these two periods will be presented together here. Forms from each period can often be difficult to differentiate and attributions often rely on fabric variation and finishing techniques. Relying on the distinctive glazed and painted Islamic wares alone to separate the phases may create some bias in the numbers, which is likely to already be considerable, as this is the most recent of the chronological periods being considered. From the Sasanian period bowls with down- turned rims are distinctive (e.g. MSP 48, 63, 120, 825, 837, 893, 904, 907, 946, 1066, 1154, 1155 and 1945), and necked jars have a variety of characteristic rim forms, often flattened (e.g. MSP 43, 81, 82, 89, 98, 137, 533, 822, 862, 897, 900, 1062, 1148, 1158, 1161, 1177, 1182, 1187, 1526). Horizontal or combed wavy lines around the neck or the body of jars are typical of the Sasanian period, as are ridged bands of various shapes.
There appears to have been a considerable increase in site numbers during the Sasanian period with 23 sites identified (see Table 6.1). During the various Islamic phases the number of sites increases to 42, although not all of these sites are actually settlements (see Table 6.1).
Sites during the Sasanian period were widely distributed throughout the Dasht-e Rostam-e Yek and Do, and in many cases are situated in completely new locations (such as MS26, MS28, MS32 located either side of the pass between the main valleys). Other sites represent either a continuation of settlement location, or the re- establishment of occupation at abandoned prehistoric locations. In Dasht-e Rostam-e Yek more sites were located around the alluvial fan in the north of the plain (MS34, MS36), east and northeast of Tol-e Spid (MS51), as well as along the western edge of this valley (MS44, MS45). A network of sites is located at irregular intervals along the length of Dasht-e Rostam-e Do, (MS28, MS26, MS17, MS15, MS1, MS2, MS3, and MS6); in many instances along the path of the major streams and the southern face of the mountains. Their position may indicate a former road through the region. Few of our collections were large and this may reflect the restricted knowledge of Sasanian wares from excavation both here and elsewhere in Iran (see Boucharlat and Haerinck 1992: 306).
By the Islamic period, settlement distribution had changed considerably. Virtually every site in both valleys, including MS50, produced Early to Middle Islamic wares. The group of sites just to the north and east of Tol-e Spid were all now occupied, as were the sites at the W end of Rostam-e Yek. Considerable numbers of ware fragments were collected from each site. A contraction in site numbers and locations is apparent by the Middle Islamic period, generally diagnosed by the presence of ‘pseudo-prehistoric’ wares. These are dated to the 9
th -11
th centuries AD, and known locally from the site of Dau-o Dokhtar, MS7 (Whitcomb 1991). The other most diagnostic tool for identifying Islamic occupation is the presence of distinctive glazed wares. It is possible that some of the glazed wares identified as Islamic could belong to earlier periods, but until there are more local excavated sequences to draw from, glazed wares have been assigned later dates.
Although a few later Islamic period sites were recorded (MS48, MS49), fully identifying this phase was not a priority of the survey. To do so would have entailed a quite different strategy, concentrating around the perimeters of modern towns and villages as well as a more thorough historically-based approach.
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