Handbook of psychology volume 7 educational psychology
Gender Issues in the Classroom
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- Gender Equity in the Middle Grades and High School Years 277
- CONCLUSIONS Creating a Gender-Equitable Culture in the Classroom
- References 279
276 Gender Issues in the Classroom test of specific subject matter given to students in 4th, 8th, and 12th grades. The gender gap increases with grade level. African American girls, however, outscore African American boys at every assessment point (AAUW, 1998; http:// nces.ed.gov). A review of research within science and mathematics classes provides insight and hope for creating a more equi- table climate of participation and a more engaging curricu- lum. Research demonstrates that when high school physics teachers give appropriate attention to gender issues in their classrooms, achievement and participation improve for all their students—especially for their female students (Rop, 1998). Creating a classroom culture that is emotionally safe for females and males alike and sanctioning risks and mistakes as vital to learning requires that teachers model ways to take individual risks (Kasov, as quoted by Rop, 1998). In high school chemistry and physics, assigning students research articles by women, taking a direct approach with females to actively encourage their participation in advanced science courses, and providing female mentoring are interventions that have proven successful. One such inter- vention for chemistry students includes creating electronic or face-to-face mentoring relationships with women chemists who have successful careers. High school chemistry teachers have reported that this intervention has resulted in encourag- ing young women to consider science as a career (Campbell & Storo, 1994; Kahle & Meece, 1994; Rop, 1998; Sanders et al., 1997). High school science teachers have learned that—in coeducational environments—often single-sex sci- ence lab groups are more effective for encouraging young women than are the mixed-gender groups (Rop, 1998). This and other studies revealed that in mixed gender groups, the girls are often the scribes or the recorders for the lab experi- ence and the males are more often the doers; this situation is eliminated in single-sex lab groups. Restructuring curriculum to provide a holistic view of the subject area encourages scientific study for both males and females. Integrating the history, social context, and social implications of scientific study by making connections to contemporary issues in the scientific field brings the physical sciences to life in important and meaningful ways. Making connections to lived experience is both an agenda for the National Science Education Standards (National Research Council, 1996) and for encouraging participation in the sciences. Meyer (1998) found that feeling included is a necessary prerequisite to participation in school science. As a science education professor, she was engaged in teaching physical science to future elementary school science teachers. Renam- ing her university course Creative Expression in Science, she encouraged participation of her females in the physical science course. Engaging her students in deep and lengthy discussion and experimentation in a safe and inclusive envi- ronment has led to female students’ pursuing science in ways that the students previously had not imagined. In one inter- vention, Meyer (1998) studied motion with her female students by swimming in the university pool, ice skating at the local rink, and doing simple gymnastics in the university gym: “In-class discussions were richly based on the move- ments we shared” (p. 469). In studies, adult women reflect on their science experi- ences through personal narratives. These stories reveal both a sense of estrangement from the scientific disciplines as well as fear of making a mistake (Koch, 1998b; Meyer, 1998). Incompetent pedagogy and an inability to make connections to students’ lived experiences can result in feelings of incom- petence in science and—for women—a sense of feeling that “this is not your space” (Larkin, 1994, p. 109). In these stud- ies, surveys, personal interviews, and analysis of personal narratives, sometimes called science autobiographies, reveal that the distance that many women feel from affiliations toward natural science is frequently a result of feeling like a deficient female. Although males may feel deficient in science, the images of scientific heroes and their stories create a culture of entitlement to success that allows males’ feelings of incompetence to be separated from issues of gender. Many females feel that they are part of an aggregate group whose members are not supposedly good in science. The rigor of natural science is not seen as a deterrent to female participation; rather, the method of teaching has em- phasized a false disconnection between studying the sciences and understanding their contributions to society. In a recent study (Linn, 2000), researchers and teachers created impor- tant curriculum contexts for making science relevant to stu- dents’ lives. By integrating scientific controversies into the secondary science curriculum, students gained the opportu- nity to connect to a contemporary scientific controversy and began to see that scientists regularly revisit their ideas and rethink their views, empowering students to do the same. I challenge all concerned about science education to remedy the serious declines in science interest, the disparities in male and female persistence in science, and the public resistance to scien- tific understandings by forming partnerships to bring to life the excitement and controversy in scientific research. (Linn, 2000, p. 16)
In one study, students were engaged in exploring a contem- porary controversy about deformed frogs. By using selected Internet materials to construct their own arguments, students prepared for a classroom debate around two main hypothe- ses: the parasite hypothesis stating that the trematode parasite
Gender Equity in the Middle Grades and High School Years 277 explains the increase in frog deformities or the environmen- tal hypothesis suggesting that an increase in specific chemi- cals used to spray adjacent fields to the frog pond caused the frog deformities. In order to construct an argument, students examined evidence from research laboratories, discussed their ideas with peers, and searched for additional infor- mation. Using a Web-based environment, middle school students partnered with graduate students working in a labo- ratory at Berkeley as well as with technology and assessment experts (see http://wise.berkeley.edu). In the study of this project, researchers interviewed and surveyed teachers and students prior to their participation in this partnership. They designed pre- and posttests, inquiry activities, and curriculum materials that ensured that curricu- lum and assessment were aligned. The classroom research continued to help teachers to refine the materials used for in- struction. Prior to this scientific controversy unit, the students often reported that science had no relevance to their lives and that science was best learned by memorizing (Linn & Hsi, 1999). In the deformed frogs study, pre- and posttest assess- ments revealed that more than two thirds of the students were able to use the mechanism for the parasite hypothesis that they learned from the Internet evidence. The answers often revealed the complex use of language and showed that the students learned from reviewing and integrating Web re- sources. On all assessment measures for content, females and males were equally successful. This scientific controversy unit about deformed frogs was carried out with diverse middle school students—half the students qualified for free or reduced-price lunches, and one in four students spoke English at home. As a result of this sci- entific controversy unit of study, more students participated in science, more students gained scientific understanding, and students became more aware of the excitement that motivates scientists to pursue careers in science (Linn, 2000, p. 25). The skills that students acquired by working in these part- nerships and critically evaluating and interpreting scientific data were contextualized and situated within the real world of science—ponds and frogs. Using McIntosh’s theory (1983), this Phase 4 curriculum brought science, scientists, and re- search to life in ways that allowed students to be participants and contributors, seeing themselves as valuable and capable of working collaboratively. This type of curriculum transfor- mation works on behalf of all students by stating overtly that they and their thinking do matter. School science has been too removed from real-life experiences, and thus it has suffered from not attracting females; this type of curriculum transfor- mation will potentially attract those who have seen them- selves as other to the study of science. Classroom researchers describe pedagogy and practices that are employed to encourage girls’ participation in physics that reveal the importance of gender-sensitive classrooms for promoting girls’ interest in physics (Martin, 1996). The learn- ing environments that are most effective include respecting girls as central players—researchers refer to honoring their experiences and their within-group diversity by encouraging participation strategies, providing a safe classroom, high- lighting the accomplishments as well as the barriers to women and science, and becoming involved in making con- nections between the physics and girls’ lived experience (Martin, 1996; Meyer, 1998). Requiring that students main- tain reflective journals in the physics class has been seen as a useful strategy to engage all students in their thinking. Main- taining reflective journals in the physics classroom helps males and females integrate communication skills into the understanding of the physics concepts (Sanders et al., 1997). Results from gender-sensitive classes reveal that attitudes and achievement increase and speak to the importance of institutionalizing gender-equitable practices. Mathematics educators have identified pedagogy and curriculum interventions that result in attracting more females to higher order mathematics while improving the quality of teaching and learning in mathematics (Fennema & Leder, 1990; Noddings, 1990; Reynolds, 1995). In fact, strategies ad- vocated by the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM, 2000), affirm the that gender-equitable teaching is a prerequisite to excellent practice. Such practices are similar for science educators—namely, making connections between mathematics and lived experience, working in cooperative learning groups, providing mentors and images of women in mathematics, coaching females for deeper responses to higher order questions, and holding out the expectation that females as well as males will be successful in mathematics. Addressing cognitive research, Reynolds (1995) includes pointers for teaching mathematics to all students; suggestions include using a constructivist approach to teaching (Brooks & Brooks, 1999). The following behaviors are examples of those advocated on behalf of all students’ learning in mathematics: • Considering problems of emerging interest to the students. • Studying the big picture and situating major concepts. • Seeking and valuing students’ points of view. • Communicating both verbally and in writing. • Giving nonjudgmental feedback. • Reflecting and caring. • Interacting in groups. • Listening to each other. • Honoring creativity (Reynolds, 1995, p. 26). By making connections between previously documented gender-equity strategies for mathematics teaching and 278 Gender Issues in the Classroom learning, Reynolds (1995) notes the overlap with construc- tivist practice. Furthermore, in addition to teachers’ monitor- ing their interactions with students to ensure that both genders receive comparable treatment with respect to student voice, extending wait time, and placing students at the center of learning, Reynolds notes that constructivist teachers are constantly monitoring student understanding, which is at the core of more gender-equitable settings. It is hoped that tech- nology instruction will follow the lead of science and mathe- matics instruction by designing curriculum and pedagogical practices that increase possibilities for females’ participation. With each generation, gender images and gendered sys- tems of privilege get revisited in schools and colleges. The impulse to repeat offenses because they appear invisible is pervasive in all schooling. As the new century begins, educa- tors look anew at ways to improve the learning environments for girls and boys—for men and women. In an intensive study (Hopkins, 1999) of working condi- tions for women academic scientists and engineers at MIT, it was revealed that women scientists experienced many in- equities in their working conditions, allocation of resources, and salaries. The data were collected over several years and the analysis was intense. Women at several other institutions joined ranks with their colleagues in documenting differen- tial research environments for men and women at their uni- versities. In response to these data, the Ford Foundation has awarded a $1 million grant to MIT to promote similar efforts for equity at other campuses.
In all academic disciplines, research has shown that girls and boys as well as young men and women sitting in the same classroom and experiencing the same curriculum often re- ceive differential treatment—usually unwittingly—based on their gender. Most teachers, both men and women, elemen- tary and secondary, interact more with boys than with girls. In addition, both male and female teachers view girls as more independent, creative, and academically persistent, whereas boys are seen as more aggressive. Teachers who are success- ful in addressing classroom interaction strategies that further the growth and development of both females and males are ones who are aware of the research findings about gender and equity and who employ conscious strategies on behalf of creating equitable environments. These strategies include using nonsexist, inclusive language and avoiding sexist humor. Gender-equitable teachers encourage all students to participate in class discussions by employing specific strate- gies for calling on students. They tend to value creativity and multiple ways of solving problems, honoring differences. In teacher sanctions, equitable teachers praise and affirm both girls and boys for performance and do not overpraise girls for their appearance. In their interactions, they coach all students to search for deeper meanings and provide role models for both males and females from all socioeconomic strata. Teachers can employ wait time to encourage risk tak- ing when students are answering questions. By consciously addressing gender issues, teachers adapt instructional strate- gies to account for gender (i.e., girls-only science talks; mixed-gender writing groups). Gender-equitable teaching involves monitoring the class- room discourse, understanding the context-specific com- plexities of dominance in classroom environments, and integrating cooperative learning into regular teacher-directed environments. It is necessary for teachers to hold out the expectation that both females and males can accomplish a task or solve a problem. It is important not to perform a task for a female student while expecting a male student to do it on his own. This practice leads to learned helplessness (Eccles Parsons, Meece, Adler, & Kaczala, 1982). Gender-equitable teaching uncovers the hidden curricu- lum and enables teachers to identify bias and confront sexism in the classroom. Teachers must avoid comparisons of boys and girls regarding behavior, achievement, and attitudes. They need to ask students whether teachers are treating persons differently because of gender. Additionally, teachers should ask students to tell them when teachers are treating either group differently. Finally, teachers need to accept and encourage emotional expression from both girls and boys (adapted from Greenberg, 1985; Pratchler, 1996; Sadker & Sadker, 1994; Sanders et al., 1997). The formal curriculum must be explored through the lens of race, class, and gender: Who is included and who is signif- icant to learn about? Formal curriculum must reflect the lived experience of all students so that knowledge construction is a shared endeavor. Schools limit possibilities for gender equity when they fail to confront or discuss risk factors for students. Risk factors for students must be addressed through the for- mal curriculum. Deconstructing gender teachings means ask- ing what programs, pedagogies, and curricula will best serve the needs of female and male students. In teacher education schools, colleges, and departments, equity must be viewed as essential to professional education programs; gender-equity issues must be integrated into pre- service training. Colleges and universities must confront the risks for girls and boys in school and develop programs to stem high dropout rates and address the underrepresentation
References 279 of girls in computer science and physics. Understanding the importance of extracurricular activities for girls, schools should strive to recruit and retain more females in those ac- tivities. Researchers need to explore the overrepresentation of males in remedial reading programs and seek to learn the causes. “Research should analyze educational data by sex, race, ethnicity, and social class to provide a more detailed picture of all students” (AAUW, 1998, p. 10). Examining school violence gives clues to the gender so- cialization of boys that alienates them from the dominant school culture. Examining risk factors for boys and exploring interventions on behalf of their healthy development must become a priority. Studies of girls and schooling need to explore single-sex public schools for minority females, such as the Young Women’s Leadership School in New York City. What are the attributes of these environments that can be institutionalized in coeducational schools? In coeducational classrooms, researchers needs to explore girls’ silences and how entitle- ment to voice differs across ethnicity and socioeconomic class.
Studies need to examine how the computer science gender gap is affecting the educational gap, and they should identify useful interventions on behalf of girls and computer science. Female participation in physics and engineering requires fur- ther study because it lags seriously behind their participation in the life sciences. Nancy Hopkins, a noted biologist who led the MIT study on women scientists mentioned previ- ously, stated, “It’s a different world now for women scien- tists, but the question is, ‘How do you institutionalize it so it will last for the next generation?’” (Zernike, 2001, p. A11). That, indeed, is the question that underlies gender issues in the classroom—what would institutionalizing this agenda look like? It is hoped this chapter gives some glimpses.
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