History of Civilizations of Central Asia
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of them were newsreels by Khan Baba Khan Mo‘tazadi, probably the first professional Iranian film-maker. The first Iranian silent feature film (Abi va Rabi), shown on 1 Janu- ary 1931, was made by Avanas Ohaniyan (1900–61), who had trained at Moscow’s film school. Ohaniyan also ran a small film school in Tehran. The first Iranian sound movie was directed and produced by ‘Abdol-Hoseyn Sepenta (1907–69) and shot in Bombay. Its title was The Lur Girl and it was reportedly successful when first screened in Tehran in 1935. The first dubbed foreign film was shown in 1946; entirely shot by Esma‘il Kushan (1914–81) in Turkey, it was entitled The Fugitive Girl. Dubbing in Iran started in 1948. The first Iranian film studio (Mitra Film) was established by Kushan in 1947. Its first film was The Storm of Life (1948), which was not a critical success. 37 The second stu- dio (Pars Studio) was set up in 1952 and produced The Prisoner (1958), which was not unsuccessful. This was followed by Moradi Studio, and then by other studios such as Badi‘, Alborz and Mada’en. Between 1953 and 1956 some 90 studios were started, most of which made only one film before going bankrupt. By 1973 only 27 Iranian film studios and 13 film dubbing studios remained. By 1963 some 200 Iranian feature films had been produced, among which was the first Iranian colour film, The Whirlpool by Pars Film, which later made the first Iranian cinemascope techno-colour movie, The Fugitive Bride (1958). (See Table 1 for the number of Iranian films produced between 1948 and 1975.) However, many Iranian films were weak from the point of view of plot, acting or pho- tography. Some took their cue from Egyptian and later Indian films by including a num- ber of songs sung by leading artists. Midnight Scream (1961) by Samuel Khachikiyan (b. 1924) was considered the best Iranian film produced up to 1961 and it was shown in two 36 See Adle, 2001 , pp. 187–98. 37 Omid,
1377/1998 , pp. 195–9. 761 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 IRAN AND AFGHANISTAN TABLE 1. Annual Iranian film production (1948–75) Year
No. of films Year
No. of films Year
No. of films Year
No. of films 1948
2 1955
7 1962
23 1969
60 (ca.) 1949
1 1956
13 1963
– 1970
63 1950
1 1957
12 1964
65 1971
70 1951
6 1958
13 1965
41 1972
100 1952
11 1959
21 1966
20 1973
140 1953
20 1960
25 1967
90 1974
80 1954
25 1961
33 1968
50 1975
65 Source : Echo of Iran, Iran Almanac 1968, p. 638; Echo of Iran, Iran Almanac 1970, p. 614; Echo of Iran, Iran Almanac 1973 , p. 132; Echo of Iran, Iran Almanac 1974, p. 131; Echo of Iran, Iran Almanac 1975, p. 125. first-class cinemas in Tehran. 38 Drama, melodrama, comedy, crime and adventure films are the principal genres of Iranian cinema. 39 In 1975 several production companies such as Misaqiyeh, Asr-e Tala’i and Aryana were forced to close down, due to rising production costs and competition from cheap Hong Kong (karate) and US–European movies (spaghetti westerns). The government tried to convince the remaining producers to merge, to reduce their costs and to stop making ‘cheap’ movies. The Iranian film industry, which employed some 5,000 actors, artists, directors, technicians, etc., had an annual turnover of only $12 million in 1975 and had not been able to carve out a market for itself even in the Middle East. 40 In 1963 the country had about 170 actors and actresses, many of whom produced their own films. Leading film directors included Golestan, Shirazi, Khani and Saber. Film pro- ducers formed a syndicate with a view to raising the quality of Iranian feature films. This was necessary not only because many were mediocre, but also because of increased com- petition from dubbed foreign films. Better results were obtained from producing documen- taries (Golestan), or via joint-ventures with foreign producers, as well as the rise of intel- lectual film-makers such as the collaboration between Farrokh Gaffary and Jalal Moqad- dam, who made The South of the Town in 1958. The screening of the film was halted by the authorities, however. In 1966 the Iranian ‘blockbuster’ was The Treasure of Qarun (Ganjeh-e Q¯ar¯un). However, during this period Iranian films were generally poor imita- tions of US and Indian movies. They were mostly shown in the provinces and in third-rate cinemas in Tehran. By 1970 the most expensive Iranian film had cost 10 million rials and the cheapest about 4 million; both were a success and made a profit. 41 38
1377/1998 , pp. 195–9. 39 Naficy,
1981 , p. 345. 40 Echo of Iran, Iran Almanac 1976, pp. 113–14. 41 Echo of Iran, Iran Almanac 1970, p. 615. 762 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 IRAN AND AFGHANISTAN About this time, however, there was a marked change in the quality of films. In 1969
(G¯av) by Daryush Mehrju’i, Mrs Ahu’s Husband (Shohar-e Ah¯u Kh¯anom) by Davud Mollapur and the controversial films The Idiot (H¯al¯u) by ‘Ali Nasiriyan and Qeysar by Mas‘ud Kimiya’i were considered a turning-point in neo-realist Iranian cinema. In 1971 the first annual film festival (Sep¯as) was held in Tehran. Iranian films started to win prizes at international film festivals. Iranian film-making suffered not only from technical deficiencies but also from a lack of funding. Because cinema owners imported cheap copies of popular foreign films, it was suggested that they should be taxed heavily and the funds could then be used to subsidize the making of Iranian films. The Iranian film-going public preferred spectacular coloured films with little dialogue and lots of action, and that is what they got. Cartoons were very popular, but seldom shown because they interfered with the time allocated for each screening. The first Iranian cartoon film was made in 1963 by Ja‘far Tejaratchi. Others followed, helped by the fact that the Fine Arts Administration, which made many documentary films, had a special cartoon film studio and supported their production. It also employed Nosra- tollah Karimi, who had been trained in the art of animation in Czechoslovakia. The gov- ernment also supported the participation of Iranian films in international festivals, where initially they did not have much success with the exception of documentaries such as those by Golestan. Iran itself also organized an International Festival of Educational Films in 1963 and in 1964 hosted the Asian Documentary Film Festival. After the 1979 Islamic revolution, film production dropped significantly, with only some 60 films made over the 1979–85 period. 42 This was partly due to the flight of film-makers and to censorship. Under the Pahlavi regime, film censorship did not permit opposition to Islam or the shah. After the Islamic revolution, not only was no opposition tolerated, but no woman without Islamic dress could be shown on screen. Despite these constraints, the Iranian film industry has produced many excellent films that have won prestigious prizes and public acclaim abroad. ‘Abbas Kiarostami is the best known among these film-makers. His films, such as Close-Up, Through the Olive Trees, Taste of Cherry, etc. have been shown all around the world. PHOTOGRAPHY (C. ADLE) The daguerreotype, invented in 1839, was introduced in Iran in 1842 thanks to Mohammad Shah Qajar. The first daguerreotypist was the Russian diplomat Nikolai Alexandrovich 42 Maghsoudlou, 1987 , p. 38.
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Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 IRAN AND AFGHANISTAN Pavlov (1816–c. 75?). Its limited use compared to Western Europe continued during the following years. At the court, it was practised by Jules Florentin Richard (1816–91), a Frenchman working for the Persian Government who converted to Islam, and in Azerbaijan by Prince Malekqasem Mirza (1807–c. 1862), the shah’s uncle and a very inventive man. 43 Conventional photography reached its peak under Naser al-Din Shah as the king was a photographer himself, an art lover and a generous patron. The Photothèque in the Golestan Palace in Tehran preserves thousands of priceless photographs dating from his period. The principal artist and His Majesty’s Photographer was Aqa Reza ‘Akasbashi (1843–1890), but there were others such as ‘Ali Khan Vali, who was governor of Azerbaijan and mainly practiced his art there. Some of his reports to the shah were in the form of photographic albums. Mozaffar al-Din Shah, who introduced cinema to Iran, actually preferred photogra- phy and was a photographer himself. He lacked his father’s discipline and the annotations in the albums and pictures dating from his time are less orderly and detailed. The main court photographer was Mirza Ebrahim Khan Sani‘ al-Saltaneh (c. 1865–1906), but the end of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were dominated by Mirza ‘Abdollah Khan Qajar (c. 1850–1908), who even undertook expeditions to north-eastern Iran to take pictures of sites and people. 44 Another prolific and well-known artist active in the early twentieth century was Antoine Khan Sevruguine (late 1830s–1933). 45 The compositions of his photographs were influenced by the art of painting; he made numerous portraits. The introduction of instantaneous photography at the end of the nineteenth century dra- matically changed the situation. Photography ceased to be the privilege of Persian aristo- crats, the rich and their protégés, and became a generally affordable technique. During and after the constitutional revolution, photography played a social role and was much used. Although most photographers followed the constitutionalists, one of the leading exponents, Rusi Khan, sided with Mohammad ‘Ali Shah and accompanied the deposed shah into exile (1909). Ahmad Shah, his successor and the last Qajar king (deposed in 1926), was not interested in photography as an art form; nor were the later Pahlavi kings or the revolution- ary rulers of the Islamic Republic of Iran. When still a simple Cossack, Reza Shah Pahlavi (deposed in 1941) had a photogra- pher friend, ‘Ali Khadem. It was he who later took many of the royal portraits. He was, however, a professional photographer running a public studio (‘Ak¯askh¯aneh Hasan¯ab¯ad, opened in 1912). He remained a central figure among the photographers in Tehran for decades. That was still the case in 1950, when the Tehran Syndicate of Photographers was 43 For the introduction of photography in Iran and the daguerreotypists, see Adle and Zoka, 1983 , pp. 249–80; Adle, in press [2005]; Afshar, 1983 , pp. 214–82. 44 Zoka,
1977 . 45 Bohrer, 1999
; Sevruguin’s Iran, 1999
. 764
Contents ISBN 92-3-103985-7 IRAN AND AFGHANISTAN established. Mashallah Khan ‘Fotografi’ was another prominent photographer in those days. Some of the photographers of the next generation, such as Reza Tabataba’iyan (Stu- dio Chehrenoma), Ebrahim Partow, Mirza Mohammad Khan Dibadin and Mahmud Nasta‘liq trained at his studio. Vahan Terpantiyan, with his studio and shop on Naderi Avenue (Foto Vaheh), was another leading figure, but mainly in the commercial field. 46 Among the major photographers of the mid-twentieth century and the 1960s were Ahmad ‘Ali, 47 whose work was shown in galleries, and Hadi Shafa’iyeh, a university pro- fessor. Shafa’iyeh is remembered less as an art photographer than as a theoretician of the art of photography. 48 He had limited knowledge of the past of that art in Iran and, like many Iranian architects, painters, sculptors and other artists, followed Western moulds fairly uncritically. The interest in the past of Iranian photography as well as the limited search for an independent means of expression is new; the former dates back to the 1970s–80s, and the latter probably only to the beginning of the twenty-first century. When the Islamic revolution broke out in 1979, followed by the war with Iraq (1980–8), there were dozens of professional photographers in the country. Some such as Yahya Dehqanpur 49 and Kamran Adle 50 stayed out of the new mainstream. Others, such as Kaveh Golestan (later killed in the war in Iraq in 2003), Kazem Akhavan, Alfred Ya‘qubzadeh, Reza Deqqati, Mohammad Farnud, Bahman Jalali and many others were passionately involved in both events, especially the war. Among the war photographers, Sa‘id Sad- eqi was particularly active among many volunteer fighters and soldiers who often took the best and most dramatic pictures. 51 When the situation started to calm down in the late 1980s, Nasrollah Kasra’iyan followed a path traced among others by Nicole Faridani 52 and became the country’s best-known photographer, thanks to his romantic photographs of the Iranian landscape. 53 46
47 Nashriyeh-ye herfeh va honarmand , 1381/2002, No. 3, pp. 59–79. 48 See Shafa’iyeh, 1981 ; Shafa’iyeh, 1993 .
On that photographer and four others, see Panj neg¯ah be kh¯ak, 1981
. 50 K. Adle, 1977 . 51 For a good selection of war photographs taken by photographers mentioned in the text and many others, see Imposed War, Defence vs Aggression, 1983–7 .
Faridani, 1994
. 53 Kasra’iyan, 1990 ; in the same genre, see also Bakhtyar, 2001 .
Contents Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 IRAN AND AFGHANISTAN Afghanistan PAINTING
Painting in Afghanistan was limited to manuscript production and murals. The techniques were the same traditional ones as used in Iran, although the output was more limited. Amir ‘Abd al-Rahman Khan (1880–1901) appreciated the visual arts, in particular frescoes. To that end he employed a number of court painters such as Mir Zaman al-Din and Mir Yar Beg. They decorated his palaces such as Koti Baghcheh and Bostan-Serai with floral patterns, but no living beings. The most important of the court painters was Mir Hesam al-Din, who specialized in murals and albums. Contemporary Afghan art began in the 1920s. One of Mir Hesam al-Din’s pupils was Gholam Mohammad Maimanagi (1873–1935), who admired the European style of painting and wanted to be sent to Europe for training. In 1921 King Amanullah (1919–29) sent him for two years to Germany, where he was supposed to study lithography. However, Gholam Mohammad spent much of his time studying and copying European old masters. On his return to Kabul, the king asked him to establish an art school where students from all over Afghanistan could come and learn painting, book illustration, carpentry and carpet weaving. A number of professors from Iran (carpet weaving), India (S. M. Deane) and Turkey (M. Farrokh) as well as ‘Ali Mohammad, another pupil of Mir Hesam al-Din, taught at this school. Gholam Mohammad himself taught the basics of painting and lithography. He also illustrated several books by Mahmud Tarzi (1865–1933). In 1921 King Amanullah also sent students to Germany to study engineering. Among them was the 14-year-old ‘Abd al-Ghaffar Breshna (1907–74). Rather than study mechan- ical engineering, however, he studied book illumination, printing and lithography at Wup- perthal. Later he was able to convince Amanullah (who was visiting Germany) that it was better to have a good painter than a bad engineer. On his return to Kabul in 1931, Breshna replaced Mir Gholam Mohammad as head of the School of Art (1931–9). In 1934 he added courses on lithography, textiles, architecture, sculpture, ceramics, glazing and stone cutting to those already taught at the school. Over time, the student body grew to 1,700. Breshna taught the best students, among whom the most noteworthy were ‘Abdollah, Ghows al-Din, Gholam ‘Ali, Kheyr Mohammad and ‘Abd al-Rahman. From 1939 to 1943, Breshna headed the government printing press and national pub- lishing house, where he introduced new printing techniques. He was also the editor of several newspapers and yearbooks in those years. From 1940 to 1953, as the director of Afghan Radio and then, in 1943, as its president, he promoted traditional Afghan music and composed many pieces of music, including the 1973 national anthem of Afghanistan. 766
Contents Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 IRAN AND AFGHANISTAN He was also active as a caricaturist and dealt with social conditions in Afghanistan. As a vehicle for his satirical views, he created the figure of Rajab Khan, an apparently simple- minded man, who, through his comic deeds, highlights social or moral problems. 54 The art school was closed down in 1965, when Amanullah Hayderzad, an Afghan sculptor, estab- lished the Fine Arts Department at Kabul University. Yusef Kohzad (a painter, playwright and poet) founded the Afghan National Gallery of Art. Breshna also painted many genre subjects from everyday life in Afghanistan. Eighty of his paintings (water-colours) were taken to Germany by his son in the 1990s. A collection of 16 oil paintings that he made for King Zahir Shah (1933–73) have disappeared, probably destroyed by the Taliban along with many other paintings. (See more on Breshna below.) Another artist, Kheyr Mohammad, or Mohammad ‘Aziz (1915–90), studied at the School of Art in Kabul. After graduation, he taught at Ghazi High School and later became the principal of the Technical High School. In 1950 he went to the United States for further studies in art and photography. On his return to Kabul, he was appointed deputy direc- tor of Kabul Museum. As a painter, he mostly followed the impressionistic style in his water-colours, which depicted rural scenes and portraits of country people: In many of his portraits of rural people, it is the eyes which are most distinguishable: uncer- tain, melancholic and full of uneasiness and anguish. They perhaps represent a genuine depic- tion of the characteristics of these persons, their lives and the society in which they live. Kheyr Mohammad also painted the mural of Ahmad Shah Baba after the conquest of Delhi.
55 This is a reference to Ahmad Shah Durrani ( 1747 –72), the founder of Afghanistan in the eighteenth century. The traditional art of miniature painting on manuscripts – also known as ‘Persian paint- ing’ – was still practised in the western city of Herat in the late nineteenth century. It experienced a revival, mainly thanks to Mohammad Sa‘id Mash‘al (1917–98), one of the greatest contemporary artists of Afghanistan, who lived most of his life in Herat. Mash‘al’s inspiration was the sixteenth-century painter Behzad, also from Herat. Mash‘al had many pupils and apprentices. He was not only an accomplished painter but also an acclaimed writer. He wrote poetry, prose, panegyrics, quatrains and more. His four statues of horses placed in Herat’s main bazaar were beheaded by the Taliban because they were considered ‘idols’, while his wall paintings in that same city were covered with whitewash. Mash‘al and his pupils also decorated the Great Hall of Heart (Zarneg¯ar), but these paintings were also destroyed along with his other works by the Taliban. 56 54
german.de/lauftext/Breshna/Breshna.htm. 55 http://www.afghanmagazine.com/oct99/visualarts/ustadaziz.1. 56 www.afghanmagazine.com/july98/articles/mashal.html. 767 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 IRAN AND AFGHANISTAN Violence and looting during the civil war (1992–6) laid waste to the Afghan museum collections, which were further decimated when the Taliban systematically and intention- ally destroyed most of Afghanistan’s art that showed human or animal figures. Artists could no longer practise their art. THEATRE The first modern play to be performed in Afghanistan was in 1920 in the B¯agh-e ‘Om¯umi- ye Paghman (The Public Garden of Paghman). It was a piece entitled Fath-e Andal¯us (The Conquest of Andalusia), about the conquest of Spain by Tareq b. Ziyad. There were also theatre performances in Herat as of 1921, under Salah al-Din Seljuqi. Other performances followed, both comedy and tragedy, such as Soq¯ut-e Andal¯us (The Fall of Andalusia). The first time that a female role was included in a play (though acted by a man) was in 1924. Some of the plays were the result of the presence of Turkish military officers. Plays by local as well as foreign playwrights, such as Ezdev¯aj-e Ejb¯ari (The Forced Wedding) by Molière, were performed. The theatre was in the Paghman Gardens or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The fall of King Amanullah in 1929 put a stop to theatre performances for a while. But under his successor, Fath-e Andal¯us was performed at court. After Nadir Shah’s assassination in 1933, theatre became dormant. In 1940 theatrical activities began again in Kabul in the Puhna Nandari, which also doubled as a cinema. Usually, one play a week was performed for a number of years. Most of the actors and directors were teachers and students, and plays were therefore also performed at schools. Between 1940 and 1953, when he was also head of Afghan Radio, ‘Abd al-Ghaffar Breshna (painter, composer, musician, editor and poet) wrote some 20 plays for radio and theatre. He directed them himself, as well as designing and painting the sets. His most popular piece was Uncle Malang (Laleh Malang), staged in 1947. 57 He also produced several plays with Salah al-Din Seljuqi, such as the very successful Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves . Other playwrights included (among many others) ‘Abd al-Rahman Pazhvak, Mohammad ‘Othman Siddiqi and ‘Abd al-Rashid Latifi. Gradually several theatres were opened in Kabul in the late 1950s (Makateb, Javanan, Zeynab, etc.). Theatre as known in the West flourished only from that time, in particu- lar due to the support of Mahmud Habibi, head of the renamed Directorate-General of Culture and Art, and his successors. In 1966 Pashto theatre also started. Acting became more professional as training was available at the Institute of Theatrical Art founded by Kheyrzadeh. 57 http://www.afghanland.com/entertainment/music/breshna.html. 768 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 IRAN AND AFGHANISTAN The growing influence of the Soviet Union and its satellite states also had its impact on Afghan theatre and cinema culture. Adaptations of European classics were introduced at first; in 1979 there was even a production of Ionesco’s Le Roi se meurt in Kabul. But in the 1980s playwrights favoured the didactic treatment of themes from everyday Afghan life, which also coincided with the return of large numbers of Afghan students who had studied in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Whereas women’s roles had initially been played by men, after 1960 actresses also appeared on stage. In addition to the city theatres such as those in Kabul, Herat and Kandahar, there were traveling companies which staged plays in provincial centres or at country fairs. Children’s theatre started in the 1980s. Many young people studied theatre at Kabul University’s School of Fine Arts. The one and only cinema-theatre, the Kabul Theatre, was destroyed in the mid-1990s. The first theatre performance after the fall of the Taliban regime took place on 6 January 2002, heralding a new phase in its short history. The programme included a piece about the rise and fall of the Taliban: with the main actor setting fire to the buckled infrastructure that was once a stage, and another actor arriving to find that the Taliban had set fire to his home, his theatre, ‘and the whole of Afghanistan’. A woman then appeared in a wedding dress, symbolizing the return of peace. It had the audience roaring for more. The piece was followed by a musical recital by a quartet playing traditional Afghan instruments and national songs performed by popular Afghan star Aziz Ghaznaway. 58 CINEMA
Although films were already shown in Afghanistan in the 1930s, Afghan film history and culture started in 1951 with the release of Love and Friendship (Eshq va Dosti). This first Afghan film had been processed in Lahore. Despite its popular success, it took 19 years for the next Afghan feature film to be shot. During the period from 1951 to 1972, the nascent Afghan film industry produced only short, black and white films and documentaries. In 1965 the Afghan Film Organization was established in Kabul and started producing films despite technical and economic challenges. With the release of the feature film Like an Eagle in 1972, the Afghan film industry took off for the second time. This time it stayed afloat until the fall of the communist regime in 1992, the start of the civil war, and the arrival of the Taliban in 1996. In 1972 the well-equipped building of the Afghan Film Organization was completed, giving the necessary boost to film culture in the country. Soon afterwards, Friday Night, The Suitor and The Smugglers were shot as well as newsreels and documentaries. Private film studios 58 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/ 1749533.stm. 769 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 IRAN AND AFGHANISTAN like Nazir, Shafaq, Qays and Aryana Films later emerged and started producing feature films, Rozgar¯an and Rabi‘a-ye Balkhi being the most popular. Despite the surge in film production between 1972 and 1992, Afghanistan produced not more than 40 films, far fewer than any other country in the region. According to film-makers and film critics, the Afghan film industry was rehabilitated after 1978, when it also emerged on the international scene. In the following years, a dozen full-length colour feature films, tens of television films and hundreds of documentaries and short films were produced by Afghan film-makers and shown throughout the country. Films such as Akhtar-e-Maskhara (Ridiculous Akhtar), Mojasema ha Mekhandand (Statues are Laughing), Jen¯ayatk¯ar¯an (Criminals) and Gon¯ah (Sin) generated great interest among the Afghan people. There was (and still is) censorship aimed at ensuring that films support the government’s political views and programmes; the country also produces and shows propaganda films. This was particularly the case under the communist regime (1978–89). 59 Afghan feature films made during that period, such as Sabor-e Sarb¯az (Sabor the Soldier), Far¯ar (Escape) and The Moments won both national and international acclaim in East- ern Europe (e.g. at the Varna Film Festival). The Afghan Film Organization suffered from financial problems, however, and Afghan cinema lacked up-to-date and well-equipped stu- dios, there was a scarcity of laboratories for colour pictures as well as a lack of professional actors and directors and many other shortcomings. Well-known Afghan directors at that time included Mohandes Latif, Sa‘id Workzai and Faqir Nabi, who produced feature films focusing on the country’s problems and people’s everyday life. In the mid-1990s Afghanistan had 26 cinemas, 17 of them in Kabul. In 1996, when the Taliban came to power, films – deemed ‘un-Islamic’ – were systematically destroyed and cinemas were closed and wrecked. Facing prosecution, many film-makers fled the country while others abandoned their vocation. Under the Taliban, the screening of any image was seen as idolatrous. This also held true for the collection of film reels, numbering many thousands, stored at the Afghan Film Institute. A visit by a high-ranking Taliban official in 2001 led to the order to burn the institute’s entire stock of more than 3,000 films, although more than 1,000 were saved from the fire. Many of the country’s cinemas were destroyed in the civil war. Kabul now has a mere handful of cinemas. The programmes consist mainly of Indian films, but also some Amer- ican and Iranian movies. Kabul’s first cinema reopened on 19 November 2001, giving excited residents their first chance to go to the cinema since 1996. Thousands of people waited patiently for the doors of the Bakhtar Cinema to open, then stormed the building in the rush for seats, undeterred by the signs of long neglect and dilapidation, and even the 59 http://www.afghancinema.com/history.html. 770 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 INDIA AND PAKISTAN poor quality of the films. Two films were shown, a classic Afghan movie Uruj (Ascension), about Mujahidin guerrillas fighting the Soviet occupation, and an Indian film Elan (Decla- ration). Women were not allowed inside. In the old Kabul, young courting couples went to the cinema; in the new Kabul of 2004, women who do so are considered prostitutes. The cinema had fallen into disuse during the Taliban’s rule. Its rows of wooden seats were dilapidated, the ceiling was full of holes and the projection screen had had to be patched up. Cinemas have reopened across Kabul, attracting thousands of viewers every day. Old Russian projectors have been returned to use, churning out decades-old Indian and Iranian films. The quality is low, the lighting bad and the frames damaged by scratches, dents and dust. But under the blanket of darkness in the auditorium of the Park Cinema, hundreds sit on the edges of their seats during an Indian action film. The films may be 30 years old and many people do not understand the language but that does not seem to matter. 60 As under previous regimes, censorship still exists. Anything that is against the inter- ests of Islam or the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, pornographic material, and anything which is overtly political or dangerous for the government is banned. New Afghan films have already been made since the fall of the Taliban in 2002. The two best-known feature films are Siddiq Barmak’s Osama (about a little girl during the Taliban period, who decides to cut her hair and dress like a boy in order to get a job and feed her family) and Kabul
by Mir Wais Rekab. Part Two INDIA AND PAKISTAN * (S. P. Verma) INDIA By the end of the eighteenth century, India had witnessed a complete fusion of the cele- brated Mughal art with other Indian schools. Mughal painting, known for its surface bril- liance, ornate style and complicated motifs, now appeared with simpler forms and compo- sitions – a change which pointed to the completion of the life cycle of a glorious court art. 60 BBC News (29 Jan. 2002). * See Maps
4 and
5 . 771 Contents Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 INDIA AND PAKISTAN With the decline of the Mughal empire, its art traditions flourished with various regional variations accommodating Rajasthani and Pahari styles; but it could never attain the skill and realism of Mughal times. Now there began to emerge another synthesis, through the direct interaction of Indian artists with Western art. From about 1770 onwards a distinct style known as the ‘Company style’, a mixture of medieval Indian miniature and British academic techniques, developed. It first emerged at the major centres of British settlement, Calcutta and Murshidabad; this was followed by a secondary phase at Patna, Benaras, Lucknow, Delhi and Tanjore (in South India). The work produced at these centres towards the close of the eighteenth century and until the middle of the nineteenth century exhibited the increasing influence of British academic art. The Company style faded away with the introduction of photography in the 1870s, and the artists became draughtsmen, designers and illustrators. 61 Even here, their existence tended to be short-lived. Pushpa Sundar observes: The Government of Bombay was directed to employ photographers in place of draughtsmen for archaeological work, making it more precise; but this also meant a loss of employment opportunities to Indian artists. 62 There was little left of the Company style after 1890. 63 Sculptures and paintings executed by the British artists Chantery, J. H. Foley, Tilley Ket- tle, Zoffany, Thomas Daniell, William Hodges and Sir Joshua Reynolds (all of whom trav- elled in India between 1760 and 1790) greatly influenced the large format of the later minia- tures of the Awadh school, which flourished at Faizabad and Lucknow in Uttar Pradesh during 1722–1856. The artists of these centres derived their themes and techniques largely from the Mughal miniatures executed during 1659–1748. With English influence, a mixed style emerged, a fusion of the late Mughal school and an adaptation of Western themes, the techniques of chiaroscuro and perspective. Mihr Chand, the most prominent painter of this school, is known to have executed several almost identical copies of the works of Kettle and Zoffany. 64 Yet essentially Awadh painting exhibits a continuity with the imper- ial Mughal school even if it cannot be described as a form of ‘high’ art. It rather confirmed the degradation of a great art tradition. Awadh artists accepted the principles of academic art but had a poor understanding of them, and the result was a poor imitation. Nevertheless, the portraits were sometimes executed successfully. Delhi artists mostly produced likenesses of members of the Mughal dynasty and the customary miniature portraits in rigid profile. The conventional tiny portraits executed on 61 M. Archer and W. G. Archer, 1955 , pp. 47–9. 62 Sundar,
1955 , p. 77.
63 M. Archer and W. G. Archer, 1955 , pp. 39–50, 116. 64 Goetz,
1959 , p. 237. 772 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 INDIA AND PAKISTAN ivory were also stereotyped and repetitive. Nevertheless, these portraits are commendable as pieces of decorative art and the products of skilled draughtsmanship. Patna, another active centre of painting, flourished during 1750–1945, and like Delhi is known for its miniature portraits. The artists worked for their patrons, largely European merchants and Anglo-Indians; and always accommodated Western techniques of mod- elling, and light and shadow to suit their patrons’ taste. The work of the representative painters of this school, such as Sewant Ram, Hulas Lal, Bansi Lal, Madhav Lal, Bhanwar Lal, Jamuna Prasad, Shiva Lal and Jairam Das, is regarded as a category of ‘Company’ art. 65
some extent retained the qualities of the Mughal school, i.e. delicate realism, sensitivity and flowing lines. Patna artists produced realistic portraits of artisans, professional people, etc., pictures of flora and fauna, and miniatures of European men and women executed on ivory and mica. Francis Buchanan, in his 1811–12 report on Patna miniatures, thought, not unsurprisingly, that ‘the painters [Mosuwwar], though talented in executing miniatures with minute attention of details, were far behind the Europeans in technique.’ 66 In Punjab (at Lahore, Amritsar and Kapurthala), the Sikh school of painting developed under the patronage of the Sikh rulers, Maharaja Ranjit Singh (1799–1839), Maharaja Sher Singh (1839–43) and Maharaja Dalip Singh (1843–9). It also embraced the tradi- tions of Western academic art, and with the amalgam of Pahari traditions attempted a new mode of realism. Present in the Sikh kingdom were European painters such as Leopold von Orlich, Theodor Schoefft and Emily Eden and their work naturally influenced Punjab painting. 67 Maharaja Ranjit Singh expressed delight at the portraits executed by Vigne. 68 A Hungarian artist named Theodor Schoefft stayed at Lahore throughout 1841 and executed the portraits of almost all the principal personalities at the Sikh court during the reign of Maharaja Sher Singh. 69 The Sikh school had painters of the Pahari tradition, especially of Kangra and Guler. On grounds of style, Sikh painting owes much to the Mughal school (especially of the late seventeenth century) and also draws on Pahari schools of painting, though it seems to lack the warm and sensitive rendering of human and animal figures of the former, and the scenic charm of the latter. 70 65
1947 , pp. 3–33. 66 M. Archer and W. G. Archer, 1955 , p. 32.
67 Srivastava, 1983 .
Hugel, 1972
, p. 337. 69 W. G. Archer, 1966 , pp. 47–8. 70 Verma,
2002 , p. 160. 773 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 INDIA AND PAKISTAN In brief, the nineteenth century witnessed a decline in the pictorial art of India. The high art of the Rajasthani, Mughal and Pahari schools diminished, and whatsoever survived lingered on in a subdued manner. According to Havell: The productions of the Rajasthani schools during the 18th century, though extremely great in quantity, seldom achieved the rich harmonies of the painting of the 17th century . . . the Rajasthani style enters into its phase of decline. The works turned out by the last representa- tives of a dying tradition lack vitality and harmony of colour. The expression is insipid and the increasing competition from cheap prints which were coming into vogue finally put an end to the last great phase of the traditional Indian art. 71 In British India, local artists followed the dictates of their European patrons. Indian artists tended to be overwhelmed by Western culture and art and frequently became mere imitators. Aijazuddin writes: For the nineteenth-century painters, there was nothing left to do but to eke out an existence by making facile, salable likenesses. Newer artists merely stammered where their predecessors had sung, copied what their forebears had created, but failed to infuse into their work that additional dimension of passionate originality which had distinguished Pahari paintings. 72 Indian artists’ work now lacked all originality and this state of affairs naturally thwarted the progress of indigenous art. 73 Further, Indian artists lacked confidence in their work since Indian princes and the aristocracy eagerly collected European works of art and com- missioned highly paid British artists to paint their portraits. 74 Portraits in the European style enjoyed such vogue that the possession of European paintings became a symbol of social status. In rare instances, commissions were also given to Indian artists since their fees were much lower than those of the British. The wife of the governor, Lord Clive, patronized Indian artists who did botanical drawings. Twenty-seven folios of this work are preserved in the India Office Library, London. 75 In another instance, the raja of Benaras engaged the artists Dallu Lal Gopal Chand and Lal Chand to produce portraits in the British style.
76 However, it is notable that in the quality of the art produced, a certain standard was 71 Havell,
1964 , pp. 117–18. See also Goetz, 1959 , p. 233; Swarup, 1968 , p. 164 (‘Patronised by the Sikhs the Kangra style in yet another expression lingered on even after 1850, but the spirit was obviously spent up and the rhythm and lyricism had altogether disappeared’). 72 Swarup,
1968 , p. 164 (‘The painters, yielding to material considerations, quickly modified their styles to suit the tastes of their European patrons and produced a number of miniatures and portraits. But the artists were mere copyists whose works were generally crude and lifeless’). 73 Aijazuddin, 1977 , p. xxvii. 74 Mitter,
1992 , p. 279. 75 M. Archer, 1972 , p. 115; M. Archer, 1979 .
M. Archer and W. G. Archer, 1955
, pp. 47–9. 774
Contents Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 INDIA AND PAKISTAN maintained. The graceful forms, delicate patterns and general finish that had created inter- est in Indian art in the West were still to be found. 77 The art schools established in British India at Madras (1850), Calcutta (1854), Bom- bay (1857) and Lahore (1857) introduced the Western academic art of Victorian England. Indian artists were taught the principles of Victorian art, without any interest being shown in their country’s own art traditions. The art schools were designed to produce illustrators, block-engravers, portraitists and painters of very limited vision. Certainly, the schools were not institutions that could be expected to effect any great artistic regeneration or change. 78 It should be remembered that the direct realism of European art had no place in indigenous art, where an artist sought to suggest the essence of reality rather than its outward form. Physical reality is not the basis of all art; these Indian art schools forgot that not all art needs to be naturalistic. A reaction to the British policy of art education emerged during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, when it began to be stressed that to understand the style and forms of a particular art, it should be seen from the viewpoint of the people among whom it was produced. This led to a renewed appreciation of Indian art and its revival. This approach was first applied by Havell (1864–1937) and Coomaraswamy (1877–1947). Havell traced the original source of Indian art in what he called ‘idealism’; and he felt that Indian art needed to be appreciated from its own standpoint. 79 He considered that Indian art could only be preserved by the survival or revival of the spiritual power that created it. 80 Vincent Smith, too, realized that nothing of high worth could be created by artists who merely seek to imitate foreign models. If modern India was to evolve a new art of its own, it must have its roots in the Indian past and appeal to Indian sentiment. 81 Even an imperialist of the stamp of Lord Curzon (viceroy of India from 1898 to 1905) had already announced in 1902 that: ‘No national art is capable of continued existence unless it satisfies the ideals, and expresses the wants of the nation that has produced it.’ 82 Havell became the father figure of the new movement in Indian art. His approach influ- enced the work of Abanindra Nath Tagore (1871–1931) and others such as Nandalal Bose (1882–1966), Binode Bihari Mukherjee, Mukul Dey and Bireswar Sen. The new move- ment sought to revive the oriental art of Ajanta, Sigiriya, the art of the painted religious banners of Tibet (China), and the traditions of Mughal, Rajasthani and Pahari art. The 77 Raghuvanshi, 1969 , pp. 469–70. 78 Kaul,
1961 , p. 106; Subramanyam, 1978 , pp. 17–18. 79 Bhuvanendram, 1991 , p. 3.
80 Havell,
1911 , p. 121. 81 Smith,
1911 , p. 201. 82 Sundar,
1955 , p. 147, note 17. 775 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 INDIA AND PAKISTAN small format of the paintings, like the folios of the Mughal album pictures now adopted, suggested links with medieval Indian art traditions. Further, instead of oil pigment, tem- pera and water-colour won favour. The mode of naturalistic representation of an object with chiaroscuro was abandoned and linear expressions akin to Rajasthani and Pahari traditions became dominant. A growing fascination with themes based on the Ramayana, the Mahabharata, the Bha- gavad Gita , the Puranas and the work of Kalidasa (e.g. Shakuntlam and Meghdut) further affirmed an affiliation with Indian culture. The publication of the Ajanta murals by Griffiths in 1896 made Indian artists enthusiastic to learn and practise a forgotten art. An empha- sis on the imitation and adaptation of the themes, styles and techniques of great Indian traditions led to the rise of the Bengal school. An attempt was also made to incorporate the traditions of Chinese and Japanese painting. The work of Abanindra Nath Tagore exhibits the influence of Chinese painting, and the water-colour technique of Japanese art. Percy Brown recognizes that this new school did not attempt a slavish imitation of any of the historical styles, and the works of this movement manifest a genuine desire on the part of the artists to interpret in colour their imaginative conceptions, and to reproduce these in the indigenous style and by means of traditional methods. 83 This new approach to art spread fast and influenced other art schools at Bombay (now Mumbai) and Ahmadabad. Indeed, the rise of the Bengal school at Calcutta and Shantiniketan seemed to complement the need to find one’s own non-Western roots with the rise of Indian nationalism. Raja Ravi Varma (1848–1946) of Travancore was the major representative of the West- ern academic school. He was severely criticized for his ‘lack of poetic faculty of illustrat- ing’ and ‘superficial study of India life’ by Havell and Coomaraswamy, protagonists of the Bengal school. 84 Ravi Varma was a traditionalist and yet he adopted the photographic and academic techniques of Western art with great success and enjoyed considerable vogue. No other artist after Ravi Varma has ever enjoyed such popularity. 85 Nevertheless, artists of the new school soon realized that their exclusive focus on the adaptation of old art traditions left little scope for something new and original. In the quest for newer modes of artistic expression, some artists turned to the reinterpretation of conven- tional themes and adopted innovative art forms and techniques which led to the emergence of modernism in Indian art. Gaganendra Nath Tagore, Rabindra Nath Tagore (1861–1941), Nandalal Bose and Jamini Roy (b. 1887) are the great masters of this version of the Ben- gal school. Gaganendra Nath Tagore, who was greatly influenced by the impressionists, 83 Brown,
1965 , p. 66.
84 For their remarks, see Smith, 1911 , p. 199. See also Swarup, 1968 , p. 68 (‘devoid of all aesthetic merit’). 85 Purohit,
1988a , p. 694. 776 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 INDIA AND PAKISTAN experimented with cubism in art. His masterpieces display a cubistic arrangement of light and shadow. Rabindra Nath Tagore emphasized the ‘expressionism’ of the West. However, the effective lines and rhythm in his paintings are invariably in the Indian mode. Nandalal Bose, though known for his linear rhythmic forms, experimented with various mediums and techniques. Among others who contributed to the work of this school are Asit Kumar Haldar (1890–1964), Ambani Sen (b. 1895), Lalit Mohan Sen (b. 1898), Gunen Ganguli, K. K. Hebbar (b. 1911), Rathin Mitra (b. 1913) and Gopal Ghose. Jamini Roy started his career in the Western academic tradition but then shifted to post- impressionism, and a little later to the style of the revisionist Bengal school, and finally to expressive forms of the folk-art tradition with the simplest compositional schemes. Jamini Roy explored the folk tradition of Bengal and enriched his art with a classical purity of line. Other adherents of this style were K. Sreenivasulu (b. 1923), Ambani Sen, Sunil Paul, Sitesh Das Gupta, P. L. Narasimha Murthy (b. 1918), A. A. Ahmelkar (b. 1918) and Rathin Mitra. But they never achieved the simplicity that characterizes the work of Jamini Roy. Kanwal Krishna, K. S. Kulkarni, Lakshman Pai, K. C. S. Panikkar, Kalyan Das and D. J. Joshi are other painters who evolved a modern style through their study of folk art. The work of Zain al Abidin and Quamrul Hasan of East Pakistan (Bangladesh, since 1972) also reveals affinities with Jamini Roy. Other artists whose work was influenced by Abanindra Nath Tagore were Abdur Rahman Chughtai, Sarda Ukil, D. P. Roy Chowdhury, Suren Gangoly, Hakim Khan, Mukul Dey and Samarendra Nath Gupta. Amrita Sher Gil (1913–41) attempted a profound synthesis of the more enduring ele- ments in Western and Indian painting. She was influenced by the neo-impressionists, first, Cézanne (1839–1906) and then Gauguin (1848–1903), and by the Japanese masters such as Ogata Korin (1658–1716) and Hon’ami Koetsu (1558–1637) ( Fig. 11 ).
Manohar Kaul writes: ‘Her unique power of assimilation and her persuasive personal idiom proclaim the originality with which her works are stamped and make them a significant contribution to art.’
87 Her simple but intense idiom influenced a host of Indian painters. Her meaningful use of pure blacks and pure whites for rich aesthetic expression has been picked up by Maqbool Fida Husain. From the mid-twentieth century onwards there emerged greater possibilities of interna- tionalism in Indian art, and the artists assimilated various influences and produced mod- ernistic art. Sailoz Mookerjea (1935–85), one of the few eminent contemporary painters, was possibly the first artist to break away from the old Bengal tradition ( Fig. 12 ). He drew inspiration from the Kangra school and folk art. Mainly influenced by Matisse (1869–1954), 86 Goetz, 1959 , p. 241. 87 Kaul,
1961 , p. 164. 777 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 INDIA AND PAKISTAN FIG. 11. Amrita Sher Gil: Bride’s Toilet (oil on canvas). National Gallery of Modern Art, New Delhi.
(Photo: Courtesy of S. P. Verma.) he nevertheless remained faithful to Indian traditions. The lyrical quality of the Kangra style and the simplicity of folk art are the basis of Sailoz’s art, whose vibrant and colourful pigments are reminiscent of Matisse. Rasik D. Raval is another artist who owes much to Matisse. Lalit Mohan Sen (b. 1898) distinguished himself in almost all media – woodcuts and linocuts, sculptures in wood and soft soapstone. His studies combine subtle rhythms with plastic suggestion. Bhabesh Sanyal (b. 1904) successfully integrated the Indian tradition with the features of academic and modern art. His visual experience is compounded with a naturalistic approach. Bireswar Sen (b. 1897), heavily influenced by Nicholas Roerich, the Russian painter, attained fame for his landscapes of the Himalayas. The work of Sudhirran- jan Khastgir (b. 1907), which incorporates some features of modern art, is characteristically Indian in its forceful rhythmic lines and forms. A distinct style with leanings towards the Bengal school flourished under the influence of K. K. Hebbar (b. 1911), Jaya Appaswamy (b. 1918) and N. S. Bendre (b. 1910); Bendre was one of the most versatile of India’s twentieth-century artists. India has thus learnt much from the West though it has assimilated this in its own way. There are no rigid patterns or trends in Indian modern art. However, the contem- porary trends in vogue until the end of the twentieth century can be broadly divided into four groups: neo-traditionalists, representationalists, folk artists, and modernists or experimentalists. Surrealism or super-realism has had only a limited place in Indian mod- ernism. Satish Gujral (b. 1925), a powerful painter, is influenced by the Mexican school and 778 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 INDIA AND PAKISTAN FIG. 12. Sailoz Mookerjea: Washing Day (oil on canvas). P. C. Chaudhuri Collection. (Photo: Cour- tesy of S. P. Verma.) surrealism. Hemat Misra and Jaswant Singh (b. 1918) are other surrealistic artists. The representationalists enjoyed a considerable hold over Indian art during the first half of the twentieth century. Among these artists, the most prominent were V. P. Karmaker (b. 1891), Atul Bose (b. 1898), Y. K. Shukla (b. 1907), R. P. Kamat (b. 1907) and S. G. Thakur Singh (b. 1895). The group of experimentalists is represented by Syed Haider Raza (b. 1922), H. A. Gade (b. 1917) and Maqbool Fida Husain (b. 1915). Husain, the most dis- tinguished painter, is a self-taught artist. His work is unmistakably Indian in inspiration. He combines symbols with stylized scenes derived from Indian tradition. Amina Ahmad is another painter whose work (like that of Maqbool Fida Husain) is symbolic, incorporating decorative abstraction. The real excitement of contemporary art in India lies in its diversity and vitality. It is true that every age has its own special needs and its own ideals, but the self-consciousness of being an ‘Indian’ artist is becoming less relevant for the more mature painters. 88 88
1963 , p. 33.
779 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 INDIA AND PAKISTAN Pakistan During both the British colonial and the modern periods, European influences and the tra- ditions of Indo-Islamic art dominated the centres of painting at Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar, Chittagong and Dacca. The earlier generation of the modern movement was represented by M. A. Chughtai (d. 1975), who had been associated with Abanindra Nath Tagore, Fayzee Rahmin and Haji Sharif – all heavily indebted to the Mughal and Pahari schools. Chugh- tai’s watercolours have a lyrical quality of line and colour akin to the Pahari paintings, and the effect is overwhelmingly romantic ( Fig. 13 ). Allah Bux, a contemporary of Chughtai, is equally admirable for his delicate forms and rhythmic patterns. Both Haji Sharif and Fayzee Rahmin worked in the traditional miniature style of the Mughal period. However, the aesthetic merit of traditional art is now rather less recognized. The tradition of the art of calligraphy and design-work, revived at the Mayo School of Arts in Lahore, is still in considerable vogue. The works of Sadequain represent another facet of the fusion of East and West. As a calligraphist, he is an orientalist; but as an artist, his line drawings are fully expressive of modernism. The contemporary women artists, Sughra Rababi, Razia Sirajuddin and Razia Firozud- din – all from Punjab (West Pakistan) – are heavily indebted to the West and their work shows a close affinity with Western experimentalist idioms. In independent Pakistan, the artists’ focus shifted from an earlier interest in realistic expression to Western modernist developments in art. Several artists with experience of studies abroad have tended to pro- mote modernism. The National College of Art in Lahore flourished under Shakir Ali, an outstanding artist; and the Art Institute in Dacca (East Pakistan; Bangladesh since 1972) prospered under the direction of Zainal Abidin. With the exposure to the Western world and its art, art in Pakistan also underwent a vital change; and the traditionalists themselves were eager to adopt Western trends in modern art. Modern art in Pakistan should therefore be viewed within the framework of this overwhelming change in artists’ attitudes. Many Pakistani artists who had studied abroad introduced new art trends on their return to their country. Various trends emerged simultaneously. S. M. Sultan and Jehangir, famous for his water-colour landscapes, were impressionists; Qamrul Hasan (b. 1921) followed Mexican realism; and Zubeida Aga (b. 1941) pursued abstract painting. Portrait painters like S. H. Askari and Sheikh Ahmad belong to the school of representationalists. Saifuddin, initially a realist, later came to be inspired by the folk-art tradition. At present, there are hundreds of artists, the majority of whom are experimentalists, following different artistic trends. Thus, just as in India, art in 780 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 INDIA AND PAKISTAN FIG. 13. Muhammad Abdur Rahman Chughtai: Sharfun-Nisa. Lahore Museum, Lahore. (Photo:
Courtesy of S. P. Verma.) Pakistan is progressing while simultaneously experimenting with various styles and modes of expression. CINEMA
Photographic know-how and a knowledge of the techniques of sound transmission gave rise to the film industry. Photography had been known in India since the 1870s. 89 Dadasaheb Phalke (1870–94) had mastered the technique of photography and was in charge of the photographic studio of the Kalabhavan, Baroda. 90 By 1863–5 the camera had become a familiar object. 91 The first films made in India were newsreels and documentaries. The Indian director Phalke was impressed by imported French films such as a depiction of the life of Christ by the early French film-maker Georges Méliès (1861–1938) 92 shown in Bombay (now 89 M. Archer and W. G. Archer, 1955 , p. 106. 90 Rangoonwala, 1970 , p. 60.
91 Bourne,
1975 . 92 Crowther, 1979
, p. 472. 781
Contents Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 INDIA AND PAKISTAN Mumbai) in 1910. Phalke’s first mythological film, Raja Harishchandra (comprising 4 reels of about 37,009 ft/ 11,280 m), was shown in Bombay in 1913. His other mytho- logical films are the Gangavataran, Mohini Bhasmasur and Satyavati Savitri. Phalke was greatly impressed by the artist Raja Ravi Varma (1848–1946), famous for his mythologi- cal paintings in the Western academic manner, and he too concentrated exclusively on this genre. To Phalke goes the credit of first using a screenplay and shooting it with rehearsed actors. Today, he is known as the father of Indian cinema. His last film, Setubandhan (his only talkie), was made in 1935. International developments further influenced Indian cinema, and up to the First World War (1917) a wide range of films from all over the world were absorbed in the Indian mar- ket. During this period, the American film industry progressed and Hollywood became the film capital of the world. 93 It dominated the Indian film industry, with US films accounting for 50 per cent of the foreign films imported during 1927–8. Consequently, Indian cinema missed the innovations occurring in the film industries in Germany, France and Russia. The rise of Dhiren Ganguly saw a change in the subject matter of Indian films. Gan- guly is known for the introduction of comedy to the Indian screen. His most famous film, Bilat Pherat (1917), is a satire on Indians who return from England with a veneer of Anglo-Indian culture. It shows a shift from mythological subjects to another genre. How- ever, Ganguly was less interested in light comedies and he produced several mythological films (Yashoda Nandan, 1921; Indrajit and Har-Gouri, 1922) followed by devotional ones (Chintamani and Yayati, 1923) and costume dramas (Stepmother, 1923, and Amar Jyoti). The popularity of mythological films could be sustained as they were relatively immune from foreign competition. Thus, besides Phalke, Ganguly and Baburao, even J. F. Madan’s Elphinstone Bioscope Company produced mythological movies. The latter produced
and Satyavadi Raja Harishcandra in 1954. J. F. Madan, who was an actor on the Parsi-Urdu-Gujarati stage, emerged as a great entrepreneur in the Indian film indus- try, and by 1931 he controlled 126 cinemas. 94 It was at his Elphinstone Picture Palace that the first talkie, Universal’s Melody of Love, was shown in 1929. Although his sons carried on the business after Madan’s death, it shrank drastically and in 1933 Madan Theatres Ltd was left with only two cinemas. 95 Indian producers now started to equip their studies with sound equipment, and as early as 1931 the first Indian talkie, Alam Ara, directed by Ardeshir Irani, was shown at the 93 Ryder, 1956 , p. 201; Purohit, 1988 , p. 943. 94 Purohit,
1988 , p. 954. 95 Ibid., p. 955. 782 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 INDIA AND PAKISTAN Majestic Cinema in Bombay. The transition from silent features to talkies was fast and by 1935 the silent era had come to an end. 96 The costume drama was another subject that fascinated Indian producers, although it posed the problem of how to dress the actors. One example is Dr Kotniss ki Amar Kahani (1946) by Shantaram. With the introduction of films based on costume dramas, Western dress and fashions entered the Indian screen. This genre is well represented by Dhoop
(1935) by Pahdi Sanyal and President (1937) by Chhabi Biswas. Historical- biographical films also became popular. These were more realistic than the mythological and devotional films. Here also the producer turned to costume dramas, but with elements of myth and fantasy. Indian cinema from 1934 to 1956 is best represented by the ‘social films’ of P. C. Barua, Frenz Osten, Shantaram and Satyajit Ray. Osten, a German, came to India and made films for Bombay Talkies. The major productions of this period include Devdas (1936) and Mukti (1937) by Barua; Achhut Kanya (1936) by Osten; and Duniya na Mane (1937), Admi (1939) and Padosi (1941) by Shantaram. Satyajit Ray (1921–92), deeply impressed by Rabindra Nath Tagore and Western music, found it difficult to work with professional Indian musicians and for all his later films was his own music director with creative musi- cal ideas. His highly acclaimed films Pather Panchali (1955), Aparajito (1956), Jalsaghar (1958), Devi (1960), Sampati (1961), Charulata (1964), Shatranj ke Khilari (1977), Ghare Bahire (1984) etc. generated a cult of Satyajit Ray. Stunt pictures became popular around the middle of the twentieth century. Examples are
, Bombaywali (1941), Jungle Princess, Muqabla and Return to Toofan Mail . War propaganda films produced during the Second World War include Dushman (1939) by Nitin Bose; Roti (1942) by Mahboob; Nurse (1943) by Chaturbhuj Doshi; and Panna (1944) by S. Naqvi. With the rise of the demand for an independent state of Pakistan from the late 1930s, that theme was treated in films like Josh e Alam (1939) and Muslim ka Lal (1941). The ‘gangster film’ also had a place in Indian cinema and is well represented by Jagte Raho (1956) by A. Mitra, and Awara (1951) and Sri 420 (1955) by Raj Kapoor. Cartoon films, first attempted by R. C. Boral in the 1930s, added a certain charm to the Indian cinema. On a Moonlit Night was Boral’s first cartoon. Colour film production began with Ajit (1948) by Bhavani; Jhanak Jhanak Payal Baje (1955) by Shantaram; and Jhansi ki Rani (1953) by Sohrab Modi. Colour film production was quite limited until the 1970s. By the 1980s, however, it had come to dominate the 96 From 172 silent films and 0 talkies in 1930, and 206 silent films and 28 talkies in 1931, the situation had reversed to 7 silent films and 164 talkies by 1934, and 0 silent films and 233 talkies by 1935: see Purohit, 1988
, p. 979. 783
Contents Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 INDIA AND PAKISTAN Indian cinema. Now colour has become so widespread that even regional art films have discarded black-and-white. From 1925 to 1950 heroines tended to dominate the Indian screen, to be replaced by heroes in the years 1950–75 with the rise of Dilip Kumar, Raj Kapoor and Dev Anand, who captivated audiences. 97 This trend continued with the great popularity of Rajesh Khanna, Dharmendra, Sanjeev Kumar and Amitab Bachchan. As regards the pattern of visits to the cinema, the lower the income, the higher the frequency of visits. 98 The growth of films in regional languages (i.e. Bengali, Telugu, Gujarati, Marathi, Kannada and Malyalam) was limited until the mid-twentieth century. Whereas previously 75 per cent of the total output had been represented by Hindi movies, by the 1950s regional films outnumbered Hindi movies. This was related to the shift of the capital of the Indian film industry from Bombay to Madras (now Chennai), which became the first originating centre of films during the 1970s, followed by Bombay and then Calcutta (now Kolkata). Indian cinema has suffered somewhat with the expansion of television and video films. With the increasing popularity of television from the late 1970s, cinema attendance is decreasing. Under the impact of television, there is no doubt that the motion-picture indus- try will undergo many changes and will have to find new markets for its products. 97 Purohit, 1988 , p. 1050. 98 Ryder,
1956 , p. 201. 784 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 The tsarist colonial period 28 CINEMA AND THEATRE L. L.Adams Download 8.99 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: 
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