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126 TO INESSA ARMAND Dear Friend, I enclose the leaflet and my best congratulations on it. Don’t give it to anyone as yet: it would be a good thing if no one knew that it comes partly from the Russians. May not Usiyevich or someone near him have blabbed? Let the distribution be made by the Swiss groups. We here in Zurich are in a state of agitation today: there is a telegram in Zürcher Post and in Neue Zürcher Zeitung of March 15 that in Russia the revolution was victorious in Petrograd on March 14 after three days of struggle, that 12 members of the Duma are in power and the ministers have all been arrested. If the Germans are not lying, then it’s true. That Russia has for the last few days been on the eve of revolution is beyond doubt. I am beside myself that I cannot go to Scandinavia!! I will not forgive myself for not risking the journey in 1915! Best greetings. Yours, Lenin Written on March 1 5 , 1 9 1 7 Sent from Zurich to Clarens Published for the first time Printed from the original in the Fourth (Russian) Edition of the Collected Works
295 127 TO ALEXANDRA KOLLONTAI March 16, 1917 Dear A. M., We have just received the second set of government telegrams about the revolution of March 1 (14) in Petrograd. A week of bloody battles by the workers—and Milyukov & Guchkov & Kerensky 283
in power!! On the “old” European pattern.... Well, what of it! This “first stage of the first revolution (among those engendered by the war)” will not be the last, nor will it be only Russian. Of course, we shall continue to be against defence of the fatherland, against the imperialist slaughter controlled by Shingaryov 2 8 4
& Kerensky and Co. All our watchwords remain the same. In the last issue of Sotsial-Demokrat we actually spoke of the possibility of a government “of Milyukov and Guchkov, if not of Milyukov and Kerensky”. * It turned out that it was both . . . and: all three together. Lovely! We shall see how the party of people’s freedom (after all, it’s in a majority in the new ministry, since Konovalov 285
is even just a little “more Left”, while Kerensky is certainly more Left!) will give the people freedom, bread and peace.... We shall see! The main thing now is the press and the organisation of the workers in a revolutionary Social-Democratic party. Chkhenkeli 286 must now (he promised!) provide funds for “defence of the fatherland”. While Mr. Chkheidze, although he did utter ultra-Left speeches during the revolution or on its eve (when Yefremov, too, spoke in no less * See “A Turn in World Politics” (present edition, Vol. 23, pp. 262-70).—Ed. V. I. L E N I N 296
rrrevolutionary fashion), of course, does not deserve one atom of confidence after all his “politics” with Potresov and Co., with Chkhenkeli, etc. It would be the greatest misfortune if the Cadets were now to promise a legal workers’ party, and if our people accepted “unity” with Chkheidze and Co.!! But this will not happen. First, the Cadets will not allow’ anyone a legal workers’ party except the Potresovs and Co. Secondly, if they do allow it, we shall set up as before our own separate party and without fail combine legal work with illegal. On no account a repetition of something like the Second International! On no account with Kautsky! Definitely a more revolutionary programme and tactics (there are ele- ments of it in K. Liebknecht, the S.L.P. in America, the Dutch Marxists, etc.) and definitely the combination of legal and illegal work. Republican propaganda, the struggle against imperialism, as before revolutionary propaganda, agitation and struggle with the aim of an internation- al proletarian revolution and the conquest of power by the “Soviets of Workers’ Deputies” (and not the Cadet swindlers). . . . After the “great rebellion” of 1905—the “glorious revolution” * of 1917!... Be so kind as to forward this letter to Lyudmila, and drop me a line as to how far we are in agreement, or how far we differ, and also as to the plans of A. M., etc. If our deputies
2 8 7 are allowed to return, one must definitely be brought for a couple of weeks to Scandinavia. All the best. Yours,
Lenin Sent from Zurich to Christiania (Oslo) First published in Pravda Printed from the original No. 1 6 9 , July 2 7 , 1 9 2 4 * “great rebellion” and “glorious revolution” were written by Lenin in English.—Ed. 297 128 TO ALEXANDRA KOLLONTAI March 17, 1917 Dear A. M., I have just had your telegram, worded so that it sounds almost ironical (just imagine thinking about “directives” from here, when news is exceptionally meagre, while in Petersburg there are probably not only effectively leading comrades of our Party, but also formally commissioned representatives of the Central Committee!). Only just this minute I have read the telegram of the Peters- burg Telegraph Agency of the 17th giving the programme of the new government, and the news about Bonar Law’s statement that the tsar has not yet abdicated and that no one knows where he is. Yesterday it seemed that the Guchkov-Milyukov govern- ment was already completely victorious and had already come to an agreement with the dynasty. Today the situa- tion is that the dynasty does not exist and the tsar has fled, clearly preparing for a counter-revolution!... We have begun working out theses which we shall per- haps finish this evening and then, naturally, will immediate- ly forward to you. If possible, wait for these theses, which correct (resp. cancel) what I am writing now in my own name only, so far. —Zinoviev and I have just managed to draw up a first draft of the theses, a rough one, very unsatisfactory in the editorial sense (of course, we shall not print it in this form) but giving, I hope, an idea of the main point. We earnestly ask you to acquaint Yuri and Eug. B. with it, and also Lyudmila, and likewise to drop us at least a V. I. L E N I N 298
line or two before you leave * —and also make certain to arrange with someone who is staying in Norway to forward our material to Russia and Russian material to us. Please do this, and ask this comrade remaining behind (or a Nor- wegian comrade who knows German, French or English) to be exceptionally efficient. We shall send money for the expenses. In my opinion, the main thing now is not to let oneself get entangled in stupid “unification” attempts with the social-patriots (or, what is still more dangerous, with the wobblers like the Organising Committee, Trotsky and Co.) and to continue the work of our Party in a consistently internationalist spirit. What is now on the agenda is expansion of the work, organisation of the masses, awakening of new sections—the backward, the rural, domestic servants—Party cells in the forces for systematic and detailed Entlarvung ** of the new government, and preparation for the conquest of power by the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies. Only such a power can give bread, peace and liberty. What is needed today is to finish off the reactionaries, not a shadow of confidence or support for the new government (not a shadow of confidence in Kerensky, Gvozdyov, 2 8 8
Chkhenkeli, Chkheidze 2 8 9
and Co.) and armed temporising, armed preparation of a wider base for a higher stage. If there is freedom of the press, republish (as material for the history of the recent past) our writings here, and inform us by cable whether we can help by writing from here through Scandinavia. We are afraid that it will be some time before we succeed in leaving accursed Switzer- land.
All the best. Yours,
Lenin I wish you every kind of success! * Alexandra Kollontai and other Bolsheviks were leaving for Russia.—Ed. ** Exposure.—Ed. 299 TO ALEXANDRA KOLLONTAI P.S. I am afraid that there will now be an epidemic in Petersburg “simply” of excitement, without systematic work on a party of a new type. It must not be à la “Second International”. Wider! Raise up new elements! Awaken a new initiative, new organisations in all sections, and prove to them that peace will be brought only by an armed Soviet of Workers Deputies, if it takes power. Sent from Zurich to Christiania (Oslo) First published in Pravda No. 1 6 9 , Printed from the original No. 1 6 9 , July 2 7 , 1 9 2 4
300 129 TO V. A. KARPINSKY Dear Vyach. Al., I am considering every possible way of travelling. * The following is an absolute secret. Please reply to me immediate- ly and, perhaps, best by express (I think we won’t ruin the Party by a dozen extra express letters), so that I can be sure no one has read the letter. Take out papers in your own name for travelling to France and England, and I will use them to travel through England (and Holland) to Russia. I can put on a wig. The photograph will be taken of me with the wig on, and
wearing the wig. You must then disappear from Geneva for a minimum of a few weeks (until my telegram arrives from Scandinavia): for this period you must hide yourself well away in the mountains, where, we shall, of course, pay for your board and lodging. If you agree, begin preparations immediately in the most energetic (and most secret) fashion, and drop me a line at once in any case. Yours,
Think over all the practical steps involved and write to me in detail. I am writing to you because I am convinced that between us everything will remain absolutely secret. Written on March 1 9 , 1 9 1 7 Sent from Zurich to Geneva First published in Pravda No. 9 2 , Printed from the original April 2 2 , 1 9 2 6 * Of returning to Russia.—Ed. 301 130 TO V. A. KARPINSKY Dear Comrade, I have sent you (through Inessa) copies of two of my articles for Pravda—for information, to co-ordinate our views. I need them back on Monday: if necessary, send them express and take them to the station. Be careful about blocs with the Nachalo 2 9 0 people: we are against rapprochement with other parties, are for warn- ing the workers against Chkheidze. Essential! Chkheidze is clearly wobbling: cf. how he is being praised in the Temps of March 22 and in many other papers. We are for the C.C. in Russia, for Pravda, for our Party, for a proletarian mili- tia preparing the way for peace and socialism. Greetings! Yours,
Lenin Written on March 2 4, 1 9 1 7 Sent from Zurich to Geneva First published in 1 9 3 0 Printed from the original in Lenin Miscellany XIII 302 131 TO A. V. LUNACHARSKY 291
Dear Comrade Anatoly Vasilyevich, As regards a conference, my personal opinion (I am send- ing on your letter to Zinoviev) is that it is expedient now only between people who are ready to warn the proletariat not only against the Gvozdyov supporters, 292
but also against the waverings of Chkheidze. In this, I believe, is the essence of our inner-Party and, if one may use the term, near-Party situation. It is just for this reason that I am not wasting time on a single conference with Martov and Co. Independence and separateness of our Party, no rapproche-
for me. Without this one cannot help the proletariat to move through the democratic revolution to the commune, and I would not serve any other ends. I personally would be for a conference with people and groups who agree on this basic point. I should be very glad to have a talk with you, without any formal conferences, and should consider it valuable for myself personally (and for the cause). With all my heart I congratulate you, too, and shake your hand, and send greetings as well from N. K. to you both.
With fraternal greetings, Lenin My address: Wl. Uljanow. Spiegelgasse. 14 II (bei Kammerer). Zürich. I. Written earlier than March 2 9 , 1 9 1 7 Sent from Zurich to Geneva First published in 1 9 3 4 Printed from the original in Lenin Miscellany XXVI
303 132 TO V. A. KARPINSKY Dear Comrade, I have sent you through Inessa copies of my two letters to Pravda. I hope you have done what I asked, and today (Sunday) or tomorrow have sent them back to me
After Tuesday (I am lecturing here oil Tuesday evening) I will send you a copy of letter No. 3. * Then I think, it will be easy for us to come to an agreement about tactics. Lunacharsky has written to me proposing a “conference”. I have replied: I am agreeable to having a talk with you (Lunacharsky) personally. ** (He will be coming to Zurich.) I am agreeable to a conference, however, only on condition that the workers are warned against the waverings of Chkhe- idze. He (Lunacharsky) has said nothing. So it means that we shall confine ourselves to a personal talk. Chkheidze is obviously wobbling: cf. Le Temps of March 22 praises Chkheidze, while on March 24 it abuses him. The picture is clear!! Therefore I am a little afraid that you have been in too much of a hurry to draw up a general resolution 293 (I have sent it to Pravda today, together with my article, addressed to Herrn Fürstenberg, Boulevard Hotel, Kristiania. You can send articles there, with a note that the articles are for Pravda, and that I supplied the address; as to articles on questions of principle, it would he useful for us to reacts preliminary agreement). * See present edition, Vol. 23, pp. 320- 32.—Ed. ** See the previous letter.—Ed. V. I. L E N I N 304
Pravda, probably, needs articles. At any rate I am writ- ing, and I am advising all friends to write. I fear that you are too much in a hurry also to unite with the Vperyod group. In your resolution the ending is good (I had time only to look through it rapidly: it had to go off), but the beginning (about democracy in general) seemed to me very bad. As regards unity with Vperyod. I sent a telegram to Scan- dinavia to the members of our Party who are leaving: “Notre tactique: méfiance absolue, aucun soutien nouveau gouvernement, Kerensky surtout soupçonnons, armement prolétariat seule garantie, élection immédiate douma de Petrograd aucun rapprochement autres partis.” * The last is conditio sine qua non. We don’t trust Chkheidze. Our deputies and Kamenev are already in Petersburg, or will be there in a few days. There is a Central Committee in Petersburg (Frankfurter Zeitung printed extracts from its manifesto, lovely!), Pravda exists. We are for preser- vation of this party absolutely, against all fusions with the Organising Committee. (Probably there is no O.C. in Petersburg, since Frank- furter Zeitung and Vossische Zeitung gave a detailed ac- count of the manifesto of Chkheidze and Co. of March 16, 294 and there is not a word about the O.C. there.) It is precisely for the elections to the Constituent As- sembly (or for the overthrow of the government of Guchkov and Milyukov) that we must have a separate party, ours, which has in my opinion completely justified itself during the years 1914-17. That means? Do the Vperyodists want honestly to join this party?
They don’t want to? I won’t agree to “concessions” and “bargaining”. * “Our tactics: absolute distrust, no support for the new govern- ment, suspect Kerensky above all, arming of the proletariat the only guarantee, immediate elections to the Petrograd Duma, no rapproche- ment with other parties.”—Ed. 305 TO V. A. KARPINSKY Have a talk with them, as man to man and more than
day (or at latest Wednesday morning). Will you undertake to type in two copies (or in one copy) my manuscript * of 500 pages (written on octavo), for pay- ment not less than last time? I would then publish it, at once in Petersburg. You will oblige me greatly! Reply.
All the best. Yours,
Lenin P.S. Lyudmila has left Stockholm. Don’t use Stockholm as an address! P.P.S. Will you and Olga go to Russia, if there is an opportunity, and when? Who else would go from Geneva? Written on March 2 5 , 1 9 1 7 Sent from Zurich to Geneva First published in 1 9 3 0 Printed from the original in Lenin Miscellany XIII * Reference is to Lenin’s The Agrarian Programme of Social- Democracy in the First Russian Revolution, 1905- 1907 (see present edition, Vol. 13, pp. 217-431).—Ed. 306 133 TO INESSA ARMAND Dear Friend, You must be in an excessively nervous state. This is my explanation for a number of theoretical “oddities” in your letters. We should not distinguish the first and the second revo- lution, or the first and the second stage?? That’s just what we have to do. Marxism requires that we should distinguish the classes which are in action. In Russia it is not the same class as before that is in power. Consequently, the revolution which lies ahead is quite, quite different. My phrase about support of the workers by the Milyukovs has (it seemed to me) a clear sense; if the Milyukovs really wanted to finish off the monarchy, they should have sup- ported the workers. Only that! One must not make a “fetish” out of revolution. Kerensky is a revolutionary, but a chatterbox, a petty liar, a deceiver of the workers. It is almost certain that even in the Petrograd “Soviet of Workers’ and Sol- diers’ Deputies’ the majority has been fooled by him (with the help of the wobbling and muddling Chkheidze). And what will happen to the countryside? It is quite possible that for a time the majority both of the workers and of the peasants will really be for the imperialist war (which the Guchkovs&Milyukovs are representing as “defence of the Republic”). It would be a good thing if someone with free time (bet- ter still a group, but if one doesn’t exist, then at least an
307 TO INESSA ARMAND individual) undertook to collect all the telegrams (and articles if possible) in all the foreign newspapers about the Russian revolution. There are mountains of material. It is impossible to follow it all. Probably we won’t manage to get to Russia!! Britain will not let us through. It can’t be done through Germany. Greetings! Lenin Written between March 2 5 and 3 1 , 1 9 1 7 Sent from Zurich to Clarens Published for the first time Printed from the original in the Fourth (Russian) Edition of the Collected Works
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