Phraseology and Culture in English
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Phraseology and Culture in English
Scientific Name*
Common Australian Name Aboriginal Name Linguistic Group or Area** Tree-rat Jintimunga Tiwi Hydromys chry- sogaster Water-rat Rakali Murray River Leporillus condi- tor Stick-nest Rat Mudluwaldu Arabana / Wang- kangurru Rattus villosissi- mus Long-haired Rat Pardiki Warlpiri Conilurus peni- cillatus Brush-tailed Rabbit-rat Barkuma East Arhem Zyzomys argurus Common Rock-rat Jadarru Wunambal Mastacomys fuscus Broad-toothed Rat Tooarrana Tasmania Uromys caudi- maculatus White-tailed Rat Thupi Kuuku Ya’u Rattus colletti Dusky Rat Kotin Roper River Lexical developments in greenspeaking 281 Rattus Tunneyi Pale Field Rat Pirlay Murrinh-patha Mesembriomys macrurus Golden-backed Tree- rat Koorrawal Wunambal Pogonomys sp. Prehensile-tailed Rat Djidjiparra Jidjibawa / Jaabu- gay * Scientific names would continue to be used in scientific discourse. ** The proposal does not recognise the plethora of names that exist for the same species, but privileges names from these particular language groups. 1.5. Language-calming Jacobson writes of “the thingification of the world” (Jacobson 1988: 29). This process can be illustrated with the clear tendency in environmental language to disassociate action from multiword units. We observed through our data that most multiwords in environmental language are abstract nouns. They do not express processes in which humans or groups of humans are actively engaged, even where they were derived from verbs, (manage Æ management). As reflected in our data by the dominance of terms which have emerged from scientific discourse, this may be a side-effect from the scientific practice of seeking objectivity by removing human subjectivity from any processes described. Such reduction of action to abstract nouns makes it difficult to: (i) associate the action / process itself with a temporal context; (ii) describe and measure the action / process and its gradience, and (iii) ascertain who is performing an action / process and who has re- sponsibility for the action / process. The effects of these lexical developments are two-fold. Firstly, things to do with the environment tend to simply “happen”. Neither a person, govern- ment or corporation is responsible for anticipating, observing or dealing with the consequences. Secondly, the environment is pacified through this process. It is not talked about as being active and dynamic, but is rendered a passive and static unitary “thing”. Our language suggests simultaneously that humans can take action upon or on behalf of the environment, and that humans are distanced, and do not interact with the environment. The idea that humans can control the environment through the applica- tion of appropriate management skills and technology is pervasive (“atti- 282 Melina Magdalena and Peter Mühlhäusler tude management”, “effluent management”, “fishery management”, “land re- source management”, “responsible management” and even “wilderness man- agement” and “climate management”). Note the following quotation: Everyone these days is or aims to be a manager, and this may be why we talk of managing the whole planet. Could we, by some act of common will, change our natures and become proper managers, gentle gardeners, stew- ards, taking care of all of the natural life of our planet? (Lovelock 1992) With this quote, Lovelock directly challenges what Jacobson has termed the thingification of actions and processes, suggesting that humans are agents, whose actions directly affect the planet. Implicit within this challenge for humans to become “planet managers” is the assumption that humans have the ability, know-how and willpower to take on the task of global manage- ment, perhaps thereby supplanting the role of a deity. 1.6. Value-adding We observed a tendency within environmental language to load value onto components of multiword units, which reflects the ideological choices made by speakers. The choice of one term over another can also be indexi- cal of who is speaking. Whether one chooses the term ecological system or ecosystem can thus indicate the group with which one identifies (e.g. “pure science” versus “environmental science”). 2 Similarly, one’s ideological position becomes transparent in discussions of diet. Whether one refers to one’s diet as being “vegetarian”, “omnivo- rous”, “ovo-lacto vegetarian”, “vegan” or “carnivorous” connotes a great deal more than a diet choice. With the topic of food and its origins, greenspeaking clearly enters the discourse of morality (Marko 2000). In a world with pockets of famine and drought, the use of water and land to produce foodstuffs can become a morally contested issue if one group believes there is a more productive way to use available resources to feed more humans at less cost to the envi- ronment. Product-labelling in reference to meat adds a further dimension to this ideological discourse. Meat itself may be referred to as “animal prod- uct”, “corpse”, “protein food” and so on. Within this spectrum lie further ideological choices to do with meat production such as “free-range”, “hor- mone-free”, “halal”, “GM-free”, “eco-kosher”, “cruelty-free”, “farm-killed”, and so on. |
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