Political theory
particular, people’s rights to freedom and autonomy) over ‘the good’ (how
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Andrew Heywood Political Theory Third E
particular, people’s rights to freedom and autonomy) over ‘the good’ (how people should lead their lives). Key debates in political theory (for 12 Political Theory example, between Rawls and Nozick over justice) were often debates within liberalism, rather than debates between liberal and non-liberal positions. However, since the 1960s, a range of rival political traditions have emerged as critiques of, or alternatives to, liberal theory. These have included radical feminism (see p. 62), which has questioned liberalism’s ability to take account of gender differences and sexual inequality; communitarianism (see p. 35), which highlights the atomistic implications of liberal individualism; and multiculturalism (see p. 215), which portrays liberalism as a form of cultural imperialism and suggests that liberal and non-liberal values and traditions may be equally legitimate. Faced by such challenges, liberalism has gone into retreat. Not only has the ‘traditional’ search for universal values acceptable to everyone been effectively abandoned, but some theorists have questioned whether the pressures generated by diversity and pluralism can any longer be confined within a liberal framework. Finally, conventional political theory has been shaken by the emergence of an ‘anti-foundationalist’ critique that challenges the rationalism that lies at its heart. From this perspective, political theory is a child of the Enlightenment, an eighteenth-century cultural movement that sought to release humankind from its bondage to superstition and ignorance by unleashing an ‘age of reason’. The ‘Enlightenment project’, most clearly embodied in liberalism and its chief twentieth-century rival, Marxism, thus promised to bring light to darkness and to bring about progress through the accumulation of knowledge and wisdom. Anti-foundationalists, usually but not necessarily associated with post- modernism, reject the idea that there is a moral and rational high point from which all values and claims to knowledge can be judged. The fact that fundamental disagreement persists about the location of this high point suggests that there is a plurality of legitimate ethical and political positions, and that our language and political concepts are valid only in terms of the context in which they are generated and employed. Richard Rorty (1989), for example, has questioned the idea of objective truth and has argued that political traditions, like all other belief systems, are merely ‘vocabularies’ that cannot be viewed as more ‘accurate’ than other vocabularies. John Gray (1995) has proclaimed that the enlightenment project is self-destroying, in that its tendency towards relentless critique cannot but be applied to its own foundations, leading to nihilism and, he warns, violence. The implication of anti-foundationalism is that political theory is not so much an accumulating body of knowledge, to which major thinkers and traditions have contributed; rather (in so far as it exists at all), it is a dialogue or conversation in which human beings share their differing viewpoints and understandings with one another. Introduction: Concepts and Theories in Politics 13 Summary 1 Politics is, in part, a struggle over the legitimate meaning of terms and concepts. Language is often used as a political weapon; words are seldom neutral but carry political and ideological baggage. If a scientific vocabulary of politics is difficult to achieve, the least we can do is be clear about the words we use and the meanings we assign to them. 2 Concepts are the building blocks of knowledge. Concepts are sometimes abstract models or ideal-types, which only approximate to the reality they help to understand. They can either be descriptive, referring to ‘what is’, or normative, expressing views about ‘what ought to be’. The meaning of political concepts is often contested; some of them may be ‘essentially contested concepts’, meaning that no neutral or settled definition can ever be developed. 3 When political analysis uses scientific methods of enquiry it draws a clear distinction between facts and values; seeking to disclose objective and reliable knowledge, it tends to turn away from normative theorising. While political theory involves the analytical study of ideas and concepts, both normative and descriptive, political philosophy attempts to refine our under- standing of such ideas and concepts in the hope of advancing political wisdom. 4 Political theory confronts a number of problems and challenges as it enters the twenty-first century. Threatened in the mid twentieth century by positi- vism, which suggested that the entire tradition of normative political thought is meaningless, political theory revived after the 1960s. However, it has subsequently become increasingly diffuse and fragmented, as the status of liberalism has been challenged by the emergence of rival schools. More radically, anti-foundationists have attacked Enlightenment rationalism. Further reading Bellamy, R. and Mason, M. (eds) Political Concepts. Manchester University Press, 2003. Goodin, R.E. and Pettit, P. (eds) Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Anthology. Oxford: Blackwell, 1997. Held, D. (ed.) Political Theory Today. Oxford: Polity Press, 1991. Heywood, A. Political Ideologies: An Introduction, 3rd edn. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. Kymlicka, W. Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2001. Morrow, J. History of Political Thought: A Thematic Introduction. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 1998. O’Sullivan, N. (ed.) Political Theory in Transition. London: Routledge, 2000. Plant, R. Modern Political Thought. Oxford: Blackwell, 1991. Stirk, P. and Weigall, D. (eds) An Introduction to Political Ideas. London: Pinter, 1995. 14 Political Theory Chapter 2 Human Nature, the Individual and Society Introduction Human nature The individual Society Summary Further reading Introduction Throughout this book, and indeed throughout political theory, there is a recurrent theme: the relationship between the individual and society. This touches on almost all political debates and controversies – the nature of justice, the proper realm of freedom, the desirability of equality, the value of politics, and so forth. At the heart of this issue lies the idea of human nature, that which makes human beings ‘human’. Almost all political doctrines and beliefs are based upon some kind of theory of human nature, sometimes explicitly formu- lated but in many cases simply implied. To do otherwise would be to take the complex and perhaps unpredictable human element out of politics. However, the concept of human nature has also been a source of great difficulty for political theorists. Models of human nature have varied consider- ably, and each model has radically different implications for how social and poli- tical life should be organized. Are human beings, for instance, selfish or sociable, rational or irrational, essentially moral or basically corrupt? Are they, at heart, political animals or private beings? The answers to such questions bear heavily upon the relationship between the individual and society. In particular, how much of human behaviour is shaped by natural or innate forces, and how much is conditioned by the social environment? Are human beings ‘individuals’, inde- pendent from one another and possessed of separate and unique characters, or are they social beings, whose identity and behaviour are shaped by the groups to which they belong? Such questions have not only been enduring topics of philo- sophical debate – the choice between ‘nurture’ and ‘nature’ – but have also been the cornerstone of one of the deepest of ideological divisions: the conflict between individualism and collectivism. 15 Human nature All too often the idea of human nature is employed in a generalized and simplistic fashion, as a kind of shorthand for ‘this is what people are really like’. In practice, however, to speak of ‘human nature’ is to make a number of important assumptions about both human beings and the societies in which they live. Although opinions may differ about the content of human nature, the concept itself has a clear and coherent meaning. Human nature refers to the essential and immutable character of all human beings. It highlights what is innate and ‘natural’ about human life, as opposed to what human beings have gained from education or through social experience. This does not, however, mean that those who believe that human behaviour is shaped more by society than it is by unchanging and inborn characteristics have abandoned the idea of human nature altogether. Indeed, this very assertion is based upon clear assumptions about innate human qualities, in this case, the capacity to be shaped or moulded by external factors. A limited number of political thinkers have, nevertheless, openly rejected the idea of human nature. For instance, the French existentialist philosopher, Jean-Paul Sartre (1905–80), argued that there was no such thing as a given ‘human nature’, determining how people act or behave. In Sartre’s view, existence comes before essence, meaning that human beings enjoy the freedom to define themselves through their own actions and deeds, in which case the assertion of any concept of human nature is an affront to that freedom. To employ a concept of human nature is not, however, to reduce human life to a one-dimensional caricature. Most political thinkers are clearly aware that human beings are complex, multi-faceted creatures, made up of biological, physical, psychological, intellectual, social and perhaps spiritual elements. The concept of human nature does not conceal or overlook this complexity so much as attempt to impose order upon it by designating certain features as ‘natural’ or ‘essential’. It would seem reasonable, moreover, that if any such thing as a human core exists it should be manifest in human behaviour. Human nature should therefore be reflected in behavioural patterns that are regular and distinctively human. However, this may not always be the case. Some theorists have argued that people behave in ways that deny their ‘true’ natures. For instance, despite abundant evidence of greedy and selfish behaviour, socialists still hold to the belief that human beings are cooperative and sociable, arguing that such behaviour is socially conditioned and not natural. In this light, it is important to remember that in no sense is human nature a descriptive or scientific concept. Even though theories of human nature may claim an empirical or scientific basis, no experiment or surgical investigation is able to uncover the human ‘essence’. All models of human nature are therefore 16 Political Theory normative: they are constructed out of philosophical and moral assump- tions, and are therefore in principle untestable. Endless discussion has taken place about the nature of human beings. Certain debates have been nevertheless particularly relevant to political theory. Central among these is what is usually called the ‘nature/nurture’ debate. Are human beings the product of innate or biological factors, or are they fashioned by education and social experience? Clearly, such a question has profound implications for the relationship between the individual and society. Important questions have also been asked about the degree to which human behaviour is determined by reason, questions which bear heavily upon issues such as individual liberty and personal autonomy. Are human beings rational creatures, guided by reason, argument and calculation, or are they in some way prisoners of non- rational drives and passions? Finally, there are questions about the impulses or motivations which dominate human behaviour. In particular, are human beings naturally selfish and egoistical, or are they essentially cooperative, altruistic and sociable? Such considerations are crucial in determining the proper organization of economic and social life, including the distribution of wealth and other resources. Nature versus nurture The most recurrent, and perhaps most fundamental debate about human nature relates to what factors or forces shape it. Is the essential core of human nature fixed or given, fashioned by ‘nature’, or is it moulded or structured by the influence of social experience or ‘nurture’. ‘Nature’, in this case, stands for biological or genetic factors, suggesting that there is an established and unchanging human core. The political significance of such a belief is considerable. In the first place, it implies that political and social theories should be constructed on the basis of a pre-established concept of human nature. Quite simply, human beings do not reflect society, society reflects human nature. Secondly, it suggests that the roots of political understanding lie in the natural sciences in general, and in biology in Download 1.87 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |
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