102 Examples: “Svobodnoe, demokraticheskoe i procveta-
jushchee gosudarstvo” (see note 87); “Poslanie Prezidenta”
(see note 96).
103 “Poslanie Prezidenta” (see note 96).
104 Umida Hashimova, “A New Era for Press Freedom in
a Changing Uzbekistan?” The Diplomat, 8 July 2019, https://
thediplomat.com/2019/07/a-new-era-for-press-freedom-in-a-
changing-uzbekistan/ (accessed 11 July 2020).
New liberties come with new
restrictions.
There are also restrictions, however, with repeated
reports of pressure applied to journalists and human
rights activists who publicise local grievances.
105
In-
timidation and detention of journalists and bloggers
repeatedly casts doubts over the official commitment
to freedom of expression.
106
A scandal involving the
mayor of Tashkent, Artykhojayev, threw a particularly
sharp light on the way representatives of the state in-
teract with the media. During a debate Artykhojayev
grossly insulted and massively threatened three re-
porters from the news portal Kun.uz. The discussion
was secretly recorded and subsequently disseminat-
ed.
107
The authorities investigated and concluded that
the mayor’s insults represented a violation of ethical
norms but not a crime.
108
The Agency for Information
and Mass Communication (AIMK), which is part of
the presidential administration and implements the
state media policy, also intervened – with an appeal
to bloggers and journalists not to overdramatise the
affair.
109
Such reactions starkly expose the limits of the new
media freedom. The Development Strategy explicitly
states that the mass media, including internet chan-
nels, should explain the reform agenda and its objec-
tives to the population – meaning the “deepening of
democratic reforms”, “the protection of human rights
and liberties”, and the introduction of principles of
rule of law, peace and “the common good”.
110
In other
words, the media are supposed to present the public
with a positive image of the state’s policies. The AIMK
sees itself as a mediating instance, supporting the
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