Al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Philosophical
Download 4.03 Mb. Pdf ko'rish
|
|
19. Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, Shawa¯hid al-jilla wa-l-a ¶ya¯n f ı¯ masha¯hid al-Isla¯m wa-l-bulda¯n. The book is apparently an excerpt of the longer Kita¯b Tartı¯b al-rih.la li-l-targhı¯b f ı¯ l-milla and 3 0 6 not e s to page s 6 2 – 6 3 contains the political documents obtained during the trip to the East (T.a¯libı¯, Ara¯ 7 Abı¯ Bakr ibn al- ¶Arabı¯ , 27, n, 2; 82). The Shawa¯hid al-jilla is the text in MS Bibliothèque Générale, Rabat,1275 ka¯f , pp.119–40, referred to, for instance, in Griffel, Apostasie und Toleranz , 364, n. 21; or in van Ess, “Neuere Literatur,” 302. ¶Abba¯s, “al-Ja¯nib al-siya¯sı¯,” 217ff. bases most of his information on Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯’s travels on this text and rightfully identifi es it as part of the anonymous chronicle Mafa¯khir al-barbar from the eighth/ fourteenth century. 20. Ibn al-Arabı¯, Qa¯nu¯n al-ta 7wı¯l , 107. 21. A. Ben Abdesselem in EI2 , 10:739a. See also Fierro in the preface to her Span- ish translation of al-T.urt.u¯shı¯’s Kita¯b al-H.awa¯dith wa-l-bida ¶ , 40. 22. The text of the letter by al-Ghaza¯lı¯ to Yu ¯suf ibn Ta¯sihfı¯n is preserved in Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, Shawa¯hid al-jilla , 306–11. See ¶Abba¯s, “al-Ja¯nib al-siya¯sı¯,” 222ff. A short version of this letter is extant in the anonymous Mafa¯khir al-barbar (ed. Lévi-Provençal), 2. The text of al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s fatwa¯, together with Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯’s initial request, is in Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, Shawa¯hid al-jilla , 302–5. Both the question and al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s fatwa¯ are also preserved in MS American University of Beirut, Jafet Memorial Library 297.3: G41 iA, pp. 50–56. On al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s fatwa¯ in support of the Almoravids, see also the report of Ibn Khaldu ¯n, al- ¶Ibar , 6:386. 23. Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, Shawa¯hid al-jilla , 311–12; ¶Abba¯s, “al-Ja¯nib al-siya¯sı¯,” 221. 24. Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, al- ¶Awa¯s.im min al-qawa¯s.im , 23. 25. “Wise master,” a Persian title Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯ applies to al-Ghaza¯lı¯ in his Qa¯nu¯n al-ta 7wı¯l , 111, 120. 26. Ibid., 111. 27. Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, Shawa¯hid al-jilla , 290–93; ¶Abba¯s, “al-Ja¯nib al-siya¯sı¯,” 227–28. 28. The two passed through Palestine during the early part of the year 492 (November 1098–November 1099), shortly before the hostilities of the First Cru- sade started there in May 1099. The First Crusade is not mentioned in Abu¯ Bakr’s œuvre. 29. Al-T.urt.u¯shı¯, Risa¯la ila¯ ¶Abdalla¯h ibn Muz.affar , in Ghura¯b, “H.awla ikhra¯q al-Mura¯bit.ı¯n li-Ih.ya¯ 7 al-Ghaza¯lı¯,” 158–63. See also Fierro in the preface to her Spanish translation of al-T.urt.u¯shı¯’s Kita¯b al-H.awa¯dith wa-l-bida ¶ , 61–64. 30. Al-Dhahabı¯, Siyar , 19:334, 339, 494–96; al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:240–58; cf. al- Zabı¯dı¯, Ith.a¯f al-sa¯da , 1:28–29; 179.21–24; 2:411.20–23; 9:442.17–27. 31. The list is from Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯’s yet unedited Sira¯j al-murı¯dı¯n . ¶Amma¯r T.a¯libı¯ adds it to his edition of Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯’s al- ¶Awa¯s.im min al-qawa¯s.im , 377–79. He also re- produces parts of the list in his Ara¯ 7 Abı¯ Bakr ibn al- ¶Arabı¯ , 1:64–65. Works by al-Ghaza¯lı¯ in this book include al-Mankhu¯l , al-Ta ¶lı¯qa , Shifa¯ 7 al-ghalı¯l , Mih.akk al-naz.r , Mi ¶ya¯r al- ¶ilm , Taha¯fut al-fala¯sifa , and al-Iqtis.a¯d f ı¯ l-i ¶tiqa¯d . Al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Maqa¯s.id al-fala¯sifa is not on this list. It was, however, available to Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯ when he later wrote his al- ¶Awa¯s.im min al- qawa¯s.im (see the list of correspondence between the two books in T.a¯libı¯, Ara¯ 7 Abı¯ Bakr ibn al- ¶Arabı¯ , 1:291–92). 32. T.a¯libı¯, Ara¯ 7 Abı¯ Bakr ibn al- ¶Arabı¯ , 1:67–68. 33. ¶Abba¯s, “Rih.lat Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯,” 87–88, fi rst made this text available from an Istanbul manuscript. 34. Muh.ammad ibn Ah.mad al-Qaffa¯l al-Sha¯shı¯ (d. 507/1114) was at this time a teacher at the Ta¯jiyya madrasa in Baghdad. After al-Kiya¯ 7 al-Harra¯sı¯’s death in 504/1110, he taught at the Niz.a¯miyya. He was a student of Abu¯ Ish.a¯q al-Shı¯ra¯zı¯ (d. 476/1083) and was known for his traditionalist and less rationalist approach (al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:70–78, GAL, 1:390–91, Suppl . 1:674; Makdisi, Ibn ¶Aqı¯l et la résurgence , 208–10; Halm, Die Ausbreitung , 165, 169).
not e s to page s 6 3 – 6 5 3 0 7 35. Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯ himself lived in Baghdad in the al-Mu ¶tamidiyya quarter; T.a¯libı¯, Ara¯ 7 Abı¯ Bakr ibn al- ¶Arabı¯ , 1:43. 36. I am grateful to Beatrice Gruendler, who assisted in the translation of these verses.
37. Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, Qa¯nu¯n al-ta 7wı¯l , 111.1–113.6. 38. Ibn Taymiyya, Dar 7 ta ¶a¯rud., 1:5.9–10; idem, Majmu¯ ¶ fata¯wa , 4:66.8–10. 39. Al-T.urt.u¯shı¯, Risa¯la ila¯ ¶Abdalla¯h ibn Muz.affar , 162; see Ghura¯b, “H.awla ikhra¯q al-Mura¯bit.ı¯n li-Ih.ya¯ 7 al-Ghaza¯lı¯,” 136. 40. Griffel, Apostasie und Toleranz , 383. 41. See ¶Amma¯r T.a¯libı¯’s analysis of the book and the positions defended therein in his Ara¯ 7 Abı¯ Bakr ibn al- ¶Arabı¯ , 1:89–275. 42. Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, al- ¶Awa¯s.im min al-qawa¯s.im, , 23.10–13. 43. Serrano Ruano, “Why Did the Scholars of al-Andalus Distrust al-Ghaza¯lı¯?” 44. Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, al- ¶Awa¯s.im min al-qawa¯s.im , 23–24. 45. Kita¯b Tartı¯b al-rih.la . It must be considered lost, cf. p. 63 in this book. 46. In his Ih.ya¯ 7 , 1:11.1–2 / 3.2–3, al-Ghaza¯lı¯ refers to the book as “a revival for the religious sciences” ( ih.ya¯ 7 li- ¶ulu¯m al-dı¯n ); cf. al-Zabı¯dı¯, Ith.a¯f al-sa¯da , 1:59.22. 47. Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, al- ¶Awa¯s.im min al-qawa¯s.im , 24.4–11. 48. Rahman, Prophecy in Islam , 30–38. 49. Ibn Sı¯na¯, al-Shifa¯ 7, al-T.abı¯ ¶iyya¯t, al-Nafs , 173.9–174.2. 50. Ibid., 248.9–250.4. 51. Ibid., 200.11–201.9. On these three prophetical capacities in Ibn Sı¯na¯, see Dav- idson, Alfarabi, Avicenna, and Averroes on Intellect, 100–101, 116–23, 139–40; Hasse, Avi-
Rahman, Prophecy in Islam , 30–52; and Elamrani-Jamal, “De la multiplicité des modes de la prophetie chez Ibn Sı¯na¯.” Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ adapted these in several of his works. See Akiti, “Three Properties of Prophethood,” 195–210. 52. Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, al- ¶Awa¯s.im min al-qawa¯s.im , 23.13–15. 53. Ibid., 25.6–8. The T aha¯fut , 274.7–275.1 / 165.3–7 reports a similar example from the teachings of the fala¯sifa . There, walking on an elevated beam is compared to walking on the same beam when it lies on the ground. In the fi rst case, the human falls, in the latter, not. This example is taken from Ibn Sı¯na¯, al-Shifa¯ 7, al-T.abı¯ ¶iyya¯t, al-Nafs , 200.1–6; and idem, al -Isha¯ra¯t wa-l-tanbı¯ha¯t , 219.13–16. 54. Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, al- ¶Awa¯s.im min al-qawa¯s.im , 25. ult. –26.3. Read inba¯t. for inba¯n . 55. Ibn Sı¯na¯, al-Isha¯ra¯t wa-l-tanbı¯ha¯t , 219–22. On this passage see Hasse, Avicen-
teachings of the fala¯sifa in MS London, Or. 3126, foll. 283a–284b. 56. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, F
57. ka¯na yumayyilu ila¯ dha¯lika wa-yastat.rifuhu ; Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, al- ¶Awa¯s.im min al- qawa¯s.im , 93.5 58. Ibid, 232. 59. Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, ¶A
rid.at al-ah.wadhı¯ bi-sharh. S.ah.ı¯h. al-Tirmidhı¯ . 60. See n, 38 above. Ibn Taymiyya’s quotation is already in al-Dhahabı¯, Siyar , 19:327.8–9. Ghura¯b, “H . awla ih.ra¯q al-Mura¯bit.ı¯n li-l-Ih.ya¯ 7al-Ghaza¯lı¯,” 158, connects it to the unedited Sira¯j al-murı¯dı¯n. Al-Dhahabı¯, Siyar , 19:344, quotes a passage from Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯’s yet unedited Sharh. al-asma¯ 7 al-h.usna¯, in which he also argues against al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s position of the best of all possible words 61. MS Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 5639 (Fonds Archinard), fol. 138b. How this long text is related to other, shorter versions of al-Nafkh wa-l-taswiya —of al-Mad.nu¯n al-s.aghı¯r and of al-Ajwiba al-Ghaza¯liyya —requires more study. On the several versions 3 0 8
not e s to page s 6 5 – 7 0 of al-Nafkh wa-l-taswiya, see Lagardère, “A propos d’un chapitre du Naf h ˇ wal-taswiya at- tribué à G . aza¯lı¯,” 127–36. Asín Palacios, Espiritualidad , 4:164–83, translates the text of the 1309/1891 edition of al-Mad.nu¯n al-s.aghı¯r into Spanish. 62. On this dispute in the works of al-Ghaza¯lı¯, see Frank, Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ and the Ash ¶arite School , 48–67. 63. ¶Abbas, “Rih.lat Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯,” 68–69. 64. Ih.sa¯n ¶Abba¯s worked with an unidentifi ed manuscript at the Moroccan Gen- eral Library ( al-Khiza¯na al- ¶A ¯mma ) in Rabat. Although there were reports that the fi lm ¶Abba¯s worked with had remained at the library of the American University in Beirut (Film MS:297–3) no such fi lm can be located there today. I am grateful to Bilal Orfali for making inquiries on my behalf. My knowledge on the contents of the text is based on the information given in ¶Abbas, “Rih.lat Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯,” 68–69. 65. This h.adı¯th goes in full: “The devil runs in the veins of humans and I feared that something of it had spilled into your hearts” ( inna l-shayt.a¯n yajra¯ min Ibn A¯dam majra¯
65; similar in al-Bukha¯rı¯, al-S.ah.ı¯h. , i ¶tika¯f 8, 10. Cf. Wensinck, Concordance , 1:342a. 66. MS Cairo, Da¯r al-Kutub, maja¯mi ¶ 180, foll. 89b–96b. Cf. Bouyges, Essay , 59. Badawı¯, Ma 7 allafa¯t , 168–71, prints sections of the manuscript. The information in Badawı¯, Mu 7allafa¯t , 16, about manuscripts of this text in Istanbul libraries seems to be erroneous, as I could not fi nd the text in the manuscripts listed. I use the 1984 reprint of Kawtharı¯’s edition. Heer, “Abu ¯ H . a¯mid al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Esoteric Exegesis,” 244, and the editor of Ibn Taymiyya’s Dar 7 ta ¶a¯rud. , 1:5, n. 3, mention the 1359/1940 print of Kawtharı¯’s edition (Cairo: ¶Izzat al-H . usaynı¯), which was not available to me. 67. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Qa¯nu¯n al-kullı¯ f ı¯ l-ta 7wı¯l , 48–50. The text is translated in Heer, “Abu ¯ H
. a¯mid al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Esoteric Exegesis,” 244–46. 68. This is also the opinion of Ibn Taymiyya, Dar 7 ta ¶a¯rud. , 1:5.6–9. 69. Gianotti, Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ ’ s Unspeakable Doctrine of the Soul , 76–87. 70. See my review of Gianotti’s Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ ’ s Unspeakable Doctrine of the Soul in JAOS 124 (2004): 107–11. 71. Al-Bayhaqı¯, Tatimmat S.iwa¯n al-h.ikma, 119. According to al-Bayhaqı¯, Tatimmat, 110–11, Abu ¯ l- ¶Abba¯s al-Fad.l ibn Muh.ammad al-Lawkarı¯ was a student of Bahmanya¯r ibn Marzuba¯n (d. 458/1066), one of the master students of Avicenna. Al-Lawkarı¯ thus con- nects the Khorasanian philosophical tradition with Avicenna, and he features in almost all intellectual isna¯ds of Iranian philosophers (see al-Rahim, “The Twelver-Šı¯ ¶ı¯ Recep- tion of Avicenna”). Unfortunately, nothing is known about his life, and the source for his date of death given by Brockelmann, GAL , 1:460, namely, 517/1123–24, is unknown. Al-Lawkarı¯ was still alive in 503/1109 (cf. Badawı¯, in the preface to his edition of Ibn Sı¯na¯ 7s al-Ta ¶lı¯qa¯t , 9). On al-Lawkarı¯, see Dı¯ba¯jı¯ in his introductions to the editions of al-Lawkarı¯’s works Baya¯n al - h.aqq . al- ¶Ilm al-ila¯hı¯ , 14–15; Baya¯n al-h.aqq , al-Mant.iq , 67–71; and Reisman, The Making of the Avicennan Tradition , index. 72. Modern Meana in Turkmenistan. Mı¯hana is an alternative pronunciation and is preferred by As ¶ad’s biographers. See, however, C. E. Bosworth’s article on “Mayhana” in EI2 , 6:914b. 73. Abu ¯ l-Muz.affar Mans.u¯r ibn Muh.ammad al-Sam ¶a¯nı¯ (d. 489/1096), the grand- father of the historian Abu ¯ Sa ¶d al-Sam ¶a¯nı¯ (d. 562/1166), the author of the Kita¯b al-Ansa¯b . On Abu ¯ l-Muz.affar, see al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 5:335–46; GAL , 1:412, Suppl. 1:731; and Halm, Ausbreitung , 85–86. 74. Guy Monnot in EI2 , 9:214b. 75. Mah.mu¯d ibn Muh.ammad Tapar ibn Maliksha¯h was put in charge of Baghdad by his father, Sultan Muh.ammad Tapar. When the father died in 511/1118, Mah.mu¯d fi rst
not e s to page s 7 0 – 7 2 3 0 9 refused to submit to his uncle Sanjar, who became the supreme sultan and successor to his father. Mah.mu¯d declined allegiance until he was defeated in 513/1119. That year, Sanjar appeared in Baghdad and reordered its affairs. This event may have prompted As ¶ad’s departure from the Niz.a¯miyya madrasa. Later, Mah.mu¯d and Sanjar reconciled, and Mah.mu¯d received the western part of the Seljuq Empire and the title of sultan. He ruled over it until his death in 525/1131. 76. See Ibn ¶Asa¯kir, Tabyı¯n kadhib al-muftarı¯ , 320; Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 10:13; Ya¯qu
¯t, Mu ¶jam al-bulda¯n , 3:344; Ibn al-Athı¯r, al-Ka¯mil f ı¯ ta 7rı¯kh , 10:464; Ibn Khallika¯n, Wafaya¯t , 1:207–8; al-Shahrazu ¯rı¯, Nuzhat al-arwa¯h. , 2:57; al-S.afadı¯, al-Wa¯f ı¯ bi-l-wafaya¯t , 9:17–18; al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 7:42–43; Krawulsky, Briefe und Reden , 18; Halm, Die Ausbrei- tung der ša¯fi ¶itischen Rechtsschule , index; Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges , index; and Kasa¯ 7ı¯, Mada¯ris-i Niz.a¯miyyah , 145–46. 77. The work is referred to as al-Ta ¶lı¯qa¯t , al-Ta ¶lı¯qa , al-Ta ¶lı¯q , or t.arı¯qa fi -l-khila¯f . On the many meanings of the word ta ¶lı¯qa, see Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges , 114–28. In his Ih.ya¯ 7 , 1:60–62 / 68–71, al-Ghaza¯lı¯ expressed severe reservations against the discipline of khila¯f . 78. Al-Baghda¯dı¯, Kita¯b al-Nas.ı¯h.atayn , fol. 89a. 79. Al-S.afadı¯, al-Wa¯f ı¯ bi-l-wafaya¯t , 21:341. 80. Makdisi, Rise of Colleges , 122. 81. mashhu¯ra (. . .) qalı¯la al-naz.ı¯r ; Ibn Kathı¯r, T.abaqa¯t al-fuqaha¯ 7 al-sha¯fi ¶iyı¯n , 2:566.7–8. 82. wa-la¯ yas.ilu ila¯ ma ¶rifati ¶ilmi l-Ghaza¯lı¯ wa-fad.lihi illa¯ man balagha aw ka¯da yabligha l-kama¯la f ı¯ ¶aqlih ; al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:202.7–8. 83. ke tu-yi madhhab-i kih ? al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 12.15. 84. Juvaynı¯, Ta 7rı¯kh Jaha¯ngusha¯y , 3:200.8. 85. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz
86. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 12.15–17. 87. Dawlatsha¯h, Ta-zkirat al-shu ¶ara¯ 7 , 85.7–11. 88. This As ¶ad al-Mayhanı¯ is mentioned by al-Sam ¶a¯nı¯, al-Tah.bı¯r f ı¯ l-Mu ¶jam al-
454/1062 and died in 507/1114. His existence resolves the confusion in Krawulsky, Briefe und Reden , 18–19; and Huma¯ 7ı¯’s Ghazza¯lı¯-na¯mah , 334–35. 89. Dawlatsha¯h, Ta-zkirat al-shu ¶ara¯ 7 , 85.17. 90. The collection of letters mentions an As ¶ad as a Qur’an recitator at the court of Sanjar ( Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 6.9). It sometimes also identifi es the ruler that al- Ghaza¯lı¯ had an exchange with as “sultan” (ibid., 6.3–8). Sanjar became supreme sultan only after al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s death. During al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s lifetime, he carried the title of a king ( malik ). This mistake may have prompted the misunderstanding that al- Ghaza¯lı¯ had dealings with the supreme sultan of his lifetime, namely Muh.ammad Tapar.
91. He wrote Ilja¯m al- ¶awa¯mm ¶an ¶ilm al-kala¯m on this subject. 92. On Abu¯ l-Muz.affar Ah.mad ibn Muh.ammad ibn al-Muz.affar al-Khawa¯fı¯, see al-S.arı¯fı¯nı¯, al-Muntakhab min al-Siya¯q , 146–47 = Frye, The Histories of Nishapur , text 3, fol. 35a; al-Sam ¶a¯nı¯, al-Ansa¯b , 5:220; Ya¯qu¯t, Mu ¶jam al-bulda¯n , 4:486–87, 3:343; Ibn Khallika¯n, Wafaya¯t al-a ¶ya¯n , 1:96–97; al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:63; and Halm, Ausbrei-
al-Ghaza¯lı¯ warns his readers against taking part in disputations that aim at “silencing one’s opponent.” 93. His letter of appointment from Sanjar’s chancellery, which is unfortunately not dated, is preserved in Muntajab al-Dı¯n, ¶ Atabat al-kataba , 6–9; cf. Horst, Die Staats- 3 1 0
not e s to page s 7 2 – 7 5 verwaltung der Großselgˇuqen , 163. The letter is reprinted in Kasa¯ 7ı¯, Mada¯ris-i Niz.a¯miyyah , 260–63.
94. Halm, Ausbreitung , 250. The two were Abu ¯ Mans.u¯r Muh.ammad ibn Muh.ammad al-T.u¯sı¯ (d. 567/1171–72) and Abu¯ l-Fath. Muhammad ibn Mah.mu¯d al-T.u¯sı¯ (d. 596/1199– 1200). On Muh.ammad ibn Yah.ya¯’s central position in Sha¯fi ¶ite intellectual isna¯d s, see Sub- let, “Un itinéraire du fi qh ša¯fi ¶ite,” 193. 95. On Abu ¯ Nas.r Ah.mad ibn Zirr ibn ¶Aqı¯l al-Kama¯l al-Simna¯nı¯, see al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:16–17. 96. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh , 49.16. Cf. also the title of his main work: Ihya¯ 7
97. Al-Bası¯t. f ı¯ l-furu¯ ¶ f ı¯ madhhab al-Sha¯fi ¶ ; it is yet unedited. For a newly discovered text by al-Ghaza¯lı¯ on the furu¯ ¶ of fi qh, see p. 361 . 98. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Ih.ya¯ 7 , 1:59.9–11 / 68.2–4, mentions al-Bası¯t. and al-Wası¯t. . Al-Bası¯t. is the earliest of the three works on the Sha¯fi ¶ite furu¯ ¶ . It is referred to in al-Wası¯t. , 1:103.3, and in al-Wajı¯z , 1:105.1. On the sources that al-Ghaza¯lı¯ used for the composition of al- Bası¯t and al-Wası¯t., see Ibn al- ¶Ima¯d, Shadhara¯t al-dhahab , 4:12.18–21. 99. Bouyges, Essay the chronologie , 12–13, 49. The chronology is slightly confusing since al-Wajı¯z is also mentioned in Ih.ya¯ 7 , 1:196.2 / 260.13, and in Jawa¯hir al-Qur 7a¯n , 27.7, two works that appear to have been published before 495/1101. It is not entirely clear, though, whether in these two passage “ al-wajı¯z ” truly refers to this book. If so, the pas- sage may anticipate the future completion and publication of al-Wajı¯z . It would not be the only time that al-Ghaza¯lı¯ refers to a future publication. 100. Al-Dhahabı¯, Siyar , 18:340. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ refers to two of these three works of al-Wa¯h.idı¯ in Ih.ya¯ 7 , 1:57–58 / 67.16–18. On Abu¯ l-H.asan ¶Alı¯ ibn Ah.mad al-Wa¯h.idı¯ and his three Qur’a¯n-commentaries— al-Bası¯t. , al-Wası¯t. , and al-Wajı¯z —see Saleh, “The Last of the Nishapuri School of Tafsı¯r”; and Brockelmann, GAL , 1:411, Suppl. 1:730–31. 101. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ explains the three set-levels of iqtis.a¯r , iqtis.a¯d , and istiqs.a¯ 7 for every science in Ih.ya¯ 7 1:57.21–23 / 66.6–8, and for kala¯m specifi cally in ibid., 1:134.7–19 / 169.8– ult. 102. Muh.ammad ibn Yah.ya¯ also wrote two ta ¶lı¯qa¯t on disputation (one titled al-Intis.a¯f
103. Al-Ra¯fi ¶ı¯, al-F ath. al- ¶azı¯z f ı¯ sharh. al-Wajı¯z . 104. Ibn al-S.ala¯h.’s and al-Nawawı¯’s commentaries are printed in the current edi- Download 4.03 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: 
|