Al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Philosophical
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102. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 34–35, mentions that Ibra¯hı¯m al-Sabba¯k (d. 513 /1119–20) “was for twenty years my companion in T.u¯s, Nishapur, Baghdad, and on the trip to Syria and Hijaz.” 103. Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 9:169.4–5; Glassen, Der mittlere Weg , 131. 104. Like that of al- ¶Ibba¯dı¯ (d. 496/1103), an authority on homiletics ( wa ¶z. ); Sibt. ibn al-Jawzı¯, Mir 7a¯t al-zama¯n , ed. Hayderabat, 1:5. 105. Together with al-Qaffa¯l al-Sha¯shı¯ (d. 507/1114) and Ibn ¶Aqı¯l (d. 513/1119), al-Ghaza¯lı¯ was present during the bay ¶a -ceremony for the new caliph al-Mustaz.hir in Muh.arram 487 / February 1094; Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 9:82; Glassen, Der mittlere Weg , 132, 158. 106. akala ma¯la l-sult.a¯n . So in his Fays.al al-tafriqa , 197.5/65.3, in which al-Ghaza¯lı¯ complains about people who claim to be Sufi s in order to live of the ruler’s purse. Part of his vow at Hebron was “no longer to take from the riches of the ruler” ( va-ma¯l-i sult.a¯n nagı¯rad ; al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 5.1.). 107. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 4.20; Krawulsky, Briefe und Reden , 66. 108. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh min al-d.ala¯l , 18.13–15. 109. Cf. n. 86. 110. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-M unqidh min al-d.ala¯l , 33.4–10. Part of the book mentioned, Mufas.s.il al-khila¯f , may be preserved in al-Ghaza¯lı¯, “Jawa¯b al-masa¯ 7il al-arba ¶ allatı¯ sa 7alaha¯ al-ba¯t.iniyya bi-Hamada¯n.”
111. Daftary, The Isma¯ ¶ı¯lı¯s , 335–38. 112. Bouyges, Essai de chronologie , 23–24; al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Taha¯fut (ed. Bouyges), ix.
113. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh min al-d.ala¯l , 28.7–8; Fad.a¯ 7ih. al-ba¯t.iniyya , 3. The book might be based on the earlier Persian H . ujjat al-h.aqq f ı¯ l-radd ¶ ala¯ l-ba¯t.iniyya, which is lost. 114. Hourani, “Revised Chronology,” 293.
115. Glassen, Der mittlere Weg , 131–75. 116. Abu ¯ Z.a¯hir of Arra¯n (a district in northern Azerbaijan); Juvaynı¯, Ta 7
117. Safi , The Politics of Knoweldge in Premodern Islam , 65–74. 118. Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 9:62.4. 119. Klausner, The Seljuk Vezirate , 30. 120. Ibn al-Athı¯r, al-Ka¯mil , 10:154. There was, however, speculation about the cause of his death. Laoust, La politique de G . aza¯lı¯ , 61, notes that the historians do not agree on the day of al-Muqtadı¯’s death (some say it was four days later), which is an indication that it may not have been made public immedately
not e s to page s 3 2 – 3 7 2 9 7 121. Juvaynı¯, Ta 7 rı¯kh-i Jaha¯ngusha¯y , 3:206.3–4, 207.9–10. For a detailed narrative of the events shortly before Niz.a¯m al-Mulk’s assassination and the long power-struggle afterward, see Laoust, La politique de G
confl icts among Seljuq family members during the war of succession after Maliksha¯h’s death, see Claude Cahen’s article “Barkya¯ru ¯k” in EI2 , 1:1051b–2b. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ refers to some of these events in a letter he wrote later to Mujı¯r al-Dı¯n, the vizier of Sanjar; al- Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 57–59. 122. Hillenbrand, 1092: A Murderous Year , 293–94; Glassen, Der mittlere Weg , 134–45. Recently, Omid Safi , The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam , 74–79, ar- gued that Maliksha¯h instigated Niz.a¯m al-Mulk’s assassination. The evidence he quotes, however, is late (al-Subkı¯) and does not trump the many voices much closer to the event (Ra¯wandı¯, Nı¯sha¯bu ¯rı¯, and Rashı¯d al-Dı¯n T.abı¯b) who assume that Ta¯j al-Mulk was be- hind the murder and that he acted as an agent for Terken Kha¯tu ¯n. 123. Abu ¯ Bakr ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, al- ¶Awa¯s.im min al-qawa¯s.im , 56–57. 124. Ibn al-Athı¯r, al-Ka¯mil , 10:145–46. The text in Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 9:62– 63, is not altogether clear which of the two parties asked for the provision. Once in Isfahan, Terken Kha¯tu ¯n sent a delegation to the caliph in order to renegotiate the terms of Mah.mu¯d’s appointment. That seems to have led to a mistaken presentation of this episode in Laoust, La politique de G
125. Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 9:62.16–17. 126. Ibn Kathı¯r, al-Bida¯ya , 12:139.18–19. 127. la¯ yaju¯zu illa¯ ma¯ qa¯lahu l-khalı¯fa ; Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am, 9:63.2–3. 128. On al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s views about the caliphate, see Laoust, La politique de G
234–65; F. R. C. Bagley’s introduction to Ghaza¯lı¯ ’ s Book of Council for Kings , li–lvi; and Binder, “Al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Theory of Islamic Government.” 129. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Shifa¯ 7 al-ghalı¯l , 225.3–4. 130. Hillenbrand, “Islamic Orthodoxy of Realpolitik? Al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Views on Gov- ernment,” 91. 131. Ibid., 90. See also al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Fad.a¯ 7ih. al-ba¯t.iniyya , 173–74. Recently Safi , The
thinking away from the authority of the caliph in his early writings to the authority of the sultan in his later ones. Yet, this is not convincing, since what counted for al-Ghaza¯lı¯ was the shawka and not the character of the offi ce that held it. It could, in principle, be held by caliph, sultan, or vizier. See Laoust, La politique de G
132. Majd al-Mulk Abu ¯ l-Fad.l al-Qummı¯ al-Bala¯sa¯nı¯ was a high offi cial (a mustawf ı¯ ) at Berk-Yaruq’s court. In 492/1098, he was killed by Berk-Yaruq’s generals. Mu 7ayyad al-Mulk, a son of Niz.a¯m al-Mulk, was fi rst vizier to Berk-Yaruq and later to his rival half-brother Muh.ammad Tapar. In 494/1100, Berk-Yaruq executed him with his own hands. 133. Abu ¯ l-Fath. ¶Alı¯ ibn al-H.usayn al-T.ughra¯ 7ı¯ (d. after 497/1103). He was Sanjar’s fi rst vizier and was soon to be replaced by Fakhr al-Mulk. Cf. Krawulsky, Briefe und Reden , 32–33; Iqba¯l A ¯ shtiya¯nı¯, Viza¯ra¯t dar ¶ahd-i sala¯t.ı¯n-i buzurg-i salju¯qı¯ , 195; Klausner, The Seljuk Vezirat , 107; Ibn al-Athı¯r, al-Ka¯mil , 10:180.17. 134. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 58.2. 135. Laoust, La politique de G . aza¯lı¯ , 58, already observed that despite having ample opportunity, al-Ghaza¯lı¯ never implied that Niz.a¯m al-Mulk was murdered by an Isma¯ ¶ı¯lite. 136. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz
137. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Nas.ı¯h.at al-mulu¯k , 45. ult. –46.6. 138. Ibn Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 9:170.14–18. 2 9 8
not e s to page s 3 7 – 4 0 139. Claude Cahen, Art. “Barkya¯ru ¯k,” in EI2 , 1:1051b–2b, and C. E. Bosworth in The Cambridge History of Iran. Volume 5 , 109. The Niz.a¯miyya party changed its allegience and supported Berk-Yaruq’s rival, Muh.ammad Tapar. 140. Daftary, The Isma¯ ¶ı¯lı¯s , 335–40; Hillenbrand, “The Power Struggle Between the Seljuq and the Isma¯ ¶ı¯lis of Alamut,” 206; Bosworth, “The Isma ¶ilis of Quhista¯n.” 141. Daftary, The Isma¯ ¶ı¯lı¯s , 343, 354–55. 142. “Esoterics” ( al-ba¯t.iniyya ) is a pejorative term for Isma¯ ¶ı¯lite-Siites. Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.a¯m , 9:77. 143. Cf. the trial of a da¯ ¶ı¯ accused of apostasy conducted by Ibn ¶Aqı¯l in 490/1097 (Griffel, Apostasie und Toleranz , 282–83). In 495/1101, even al-Kiya¯ 7 al-Harra¯sı¯, one of al- Ghaza¯lı¯’s successors in his chair at the Niz.a¯miyya, was suspected to be a secret Isma¯ ¶ ı¯lite agent. See Makdisi,
, 288–89; Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 9:129–30; Ibn Khallika¯n, Wafaya¯t , 3:288–89; al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 7:232. 144. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh , 36.2–6. 145. Ibid., 36.7–8. 146. Ibid., 36.11–16. Cf. McCarthy, Al-Ghazali: Deliverance from Error, 78–79. 147. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh, 37.10–12. 148. Ibid., 37.15–16. 149. Ibid., 37.19. 150. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz
al-Kiya¯ 7 al-Harra¯sı¯ in Muh.arram 504 / July 1110.
151. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh , 38.20. 152. Ibid. 37.20–21. 153. Ibid., 37–38. 154. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ probably could only authorize his brother as a temporary replace- ment for himself. His appointment of his brother as temporary replacement begs the question to what extent al-Ghaza¯lı¯ really wished to break with the Niz.a¯miyya. See Mak- disi, “Non-Ash ¶arite Shafi ¶ism,” 241. In 489/1096, the chair was given to Abu ¯ ¶Abdalla¯h al-T.abarı¯, who had held it before al-Ghaza¯lı¯. In 493/1100, al-Kiya¯ 7 al-Harra¯sı¯ took the chair. See Halm, Ausbreitung , 165. 155. Later, al-Ghaza¯lı¯ would write a letter of recommendation for him ( Faz . a¯ 7il al- ana¯m , 33–35), in which he mentions that Ibra¯hı¯m accompanied him for twenty years (35.2–3). On Abu ¯ Z.a¯hir Ibra¯hı¯m ibn Mut.ahhar al-Shabba¯k, see al-S.arı¯fı¯nı¯, al-Muntakhab
Krawulsky, Briefe und Reden , 26–27. 156. “Wise master,” a Persian title Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯ applies to al-Ghaza¯lı¯ in his Qa¯nu¯n
157. Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, al- ¶Awa¯s.im min al-qawa¯s.im , 23.4–7. Cf. Jabre, “La biographie et l’œuvre,” 87–88. The full text of this passage is available on p. 67. 158. Macdonald, “The Life of al-Ghazza¯lı¯,” 80, 98, suggested that al-Ghaza¯lı¯ had reason to fear the enmity of Berk-Yaruq. Jabre, “La biographie et l’œuvre,” 93–94, thought that al-Ghaza¯lı¯ feared assassination by the Isma¯ ¶ı¯lites. The most reliable analysis is offered by Laoust, La politique de G
“Autour de la sincerité d’al-Ghaza¯lı¯”; Sawwaf, Al-Ghazzali. Etude de la réforme ghazza- lienne , 57–58; Abu-Sway, “Al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s ‘Spiritual Crisis’ Reconsidered.” These theories are discussed in Kojiro Nakamura’s article on al-Ghaza¯lı¯ in the Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy , 4:64. For a thorough discussion of the textual evidence in the Munqidh and of earlier interpretations of al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s “conversion,” see Poggi, Un classico della spiritualità musulmana , 187–210. 159. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh , 38.3ff.
not e s to page s 4 0 – 4 3 2 9 9 160. Not al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s experience of this crisis but rather his very public admis- sion makes it important. Martin Heidegger, for instance, experienced a severe crisis in the spring of 1946 when, because of his earlier Nazi sympathies, he was temporarily stripped of his teaching position at Freiburg University. This crisis, however, never be- came a prominent part of his biography since he never publicly admitted to it. 161. Van Ess, “Quelques remarques sur le Munqid ¯ min ad.-d.ala¯l,” 60ff. 162. “The sheikh of the Sha¯fi ¶ites in Syria (. . .) The historians say that he was an imam, a resourceful authority ( ¶alla¯ma muf ı¯d ), an expert on the h.adı¯th and the Qur 7a ¯n, an ascetic, noble-minded, pious, and powerful in a way that he had no equal” (al-Ya¯fi ¶ı¯, Mir 7a¯t al-jina¯n, 3:152.17–20). On him, see Ibn ¶Asa¯kir, Tabyı¯n , 286–87; al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 5:351–53; and al- ¶Ulaymı¯, al-Uns al-jalı¯l , 1:297–98. 163. Tibawi, “Al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Sojourn in Damascus and Jerusalem,” 70. 164. Ibn ¶Asa¯kir, Tabyı¯n , 286.10–11; al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 5:352.7–8. 165. Menn, “The Discourse on the Method and the Tradition of Intellectual Autobi- ography,” 167–68. 166. ma¯l al-sult.a¯n wa- ¶umma¯lihi , al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Bida¯ya f ı¯ l-hida¯ya , 200.13. English transl. in Watt, Faith and Practice , 139. The rulers’ income and whether one can benefi t from it is the subject of a detailed discussion in the fi fth chapter of the fourteenth book ( Kita¯b al-H
167. Glassen, Der mittlere Weg , 50; Safi , The Politics of Knowledge , 101–2; Makdisi, Rise of Colleges , 41; Kasa¯ 7ı¯, Mada¯ris-i Niz.a¯miyyah , 116–17. 168. For the four different categories of wara ¶, see al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Ih.ya¯ 7 , 1:31 / 32–33. 169. Ibid., 1.70:7–22 / 94.3–21. 170. Ibn ¶Asa¯kir, Tabyı¯n , 286.11–12; al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 5:352–53. The ruler was Tu- tush ibn Alp-Arslan (d. 488/1095), and the money was from jizya . 171. min ujrat al-naskh , Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 9:169.6. The term is unclear as it usually refers to the payment a professional scribe receives for his work. None of the sources mention that al-Ghaza¯lı¯ turned to copying manuscripts, so here the term seems to refer to collecting money for paying scribes to copy and publish books. 172. pı¯sh hı¯ch sult.a¯n narawad va-ma¯l-i sult.a¯n nagı¯rad va-muna¯z.at-i u¯ ta ¶as.s.ub na- konad , al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 5.1, cf. also 45.9–10. 173. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Ih.ya¯ 7 , 1:61–70 / 70–81; quote on 1:64.3 / 73. ult. 174. Ibn al-Athı¯r, al-Ka¯mil , 10:172.13–14; al-Dhahabı¯, Siyar , 19:330.7–8. Al-Dhahabı¯ (19:327–28) also reports that al-Ghaza¯lı¯ composed his works al-Arba ¶ı¯n , Qist.a¯s al- mustaqı¯m , and Mih.akk al-naz.ar in Damascus. He mistakenly assumed that he stayed there for years. 175. Sibt. ibn al-Jawzı¯, Mir 7a¯t al-zaman , ed. Hayderabat, 1:171.2–3; al-Ya¯fi ¶ı¯, Mir 7a¯t
176. Al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:197.17–18. Tibawi, “Al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Sojourn in Damascus and Jerusalem,” 73–74. 177. Ibn Jubayr, Tadhkira bi-l-akhba¯r , 213–14. Al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:197.15–16, re- ports the tale on the authority of al-Dhahabı¯, who says he has it from Ibn ¶Asa¯kir. Cf. le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems , 246, 264. The base of that minaret is part of the remnants from the Roman temenos and has largely been unchanged since pre-Islamic times.
178. fa-qa¯ma Dimashqa sana 489 wa-aqa¯ma bi-ha¯ mudda ; Ibn ¶Asa¯kir, Ta 7rı¯kh madı¯nat Dimashq , 55:200.9 179. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh , 38.11. 180. Al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:199.10–13. 181. Or in the cave under the rock? Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh , 38.15–16. 3 0 0 not e s to page s 4 3 – 4 5 182. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Ih.ya¯ 7 , 1:142.21–23 / 1:180.14–16. 183. Al- ¶Ulaymı¯, al-Uns al-jalı¯l , 1:299.14, says that al-Ghaza¯lı¯ “composed several works in Jerusalem.” The title of this work contains two indications to Jerusalem: fi rst, the word quds , which may stand for Madı¯nat al-Quds , “Jerusalem,” and second, the plu- ral of mi ¶ra¯j , Muh.ammad’s ascent to heaven on the twenty-seventh of Rajab. Muh.ammad is believed to have left from the plateau at the Dome of the Rock, where his footprint is still shown. Incidentally, on 27 Rajab 489 / 22 June 1096, al-Ghaza¯lı¯ was in Jerusalem. Whether or not he wrote this book is unclear. 184. mah.w al-ja¯h wa-muja¯hadat al-nafs , Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 9:169.9. 185. Al- ¶Ulaymı¯ , al-Uns al-jalı¯l , 1:299.15–16. 186. Bieberstein/Bloedhorn, Jerusalem: Grundzüge der Baugeschichte , 3:200. Prop- erly speaking, the Golden Gate is a double gate with two doors. The north door is known as the ba¯b al-rah.ma , the south door as the ba¯b al-tawba. The name “Gate of Mercy,” how- ever, also applies to the whole building. 187. In the case of Damascus, the reference to the za¯wiya to Abu ¯-l Fath. Nas.r is unmistakable, as al-Subkı¯ calls it “za¯wiyat al-shaykh Nas.r al-Maqdisı¯.” 188. Al- ¶Ulaymı¯ , al-Uns al-jalı¯l, 1:298.2–3; 2:34.3–4. 189. Kaplony, The H
“The Life of al-Ghazza¯lı¯,” 93) that at the beginning of the twentieth century there was still a za¯wiya known as al-Ghaza¯liyya in Jerusalem cannot be taken seriously. 190. Burgoyne, Mamluk Jerusalem , 49. Al-Malik al-Mu ¶az.z.am ¶I¯sa¯ was appointed governor of Damascus, including the province of Jerusalem, by his brother al-Malik al- Ka¯mil in 597/1201. After al-Malik al-Ka¯mil’s death in 615/1218, he became an indepen- dent ruler of Syria until his own death in 624/1227. 191. Al- ¶Ulaymı¯, al-Uns al-jalı¯l , 2:34.4–5; Ibn Khallika¯n, Wafaya¯t al-a ¶ya¯n , 3:244.2–3. 192. Ibn Khallika¯n, Wafaya¯t al-a ¶ya¯n , 3:244.2–3. Al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 8:327.6, re- ports that Ibn al-S.ala¯h. had taught in the madrasa al-S.ala¯h.iyya in Jerusalem, that is, the former Crusader Church St. Anne that S.ala¯h. al-Dı¯n had converted into a madrasa right after the conquest of 583/1187 (on that institution, cf. Bieberstein/Bloedhorn, Jerusalem , 1:217, 3:170–73). These two schools devoted to the memory of S.ala¯h. al-Dı¯n should not be confused with the still-existing kha¯nqa¯h al-S.ala¯h.iyya , that is, the former Latin Patriar- chat at the ¶Aqabat al-Kha¯nqa¯h close to the Church of the Holy Sepulcher (Bieberstein/ Bloedhorn, Jerusalem , 2:216–18). 193. I am grateful to Muhammad Ghosheh at the Mu 7assasat Ih.ya 7 al-Tura¯th wa-l- Buh.u¯th al-Isla¯miyya (Center for Heritage and Islamic Research) in Jerusalem for point- ing this out to me. 194. Mujı¯r al-Dı¯n’s report is most probably a refl ex on earlier writings about the conversion of the za¯wiya of Abu ¯ l-Fath. Nas.r in Damascus into a school that referred in its name to al-Ghaza¯lı¯. This information was somehow applied to Jerusalem, where Abu
¯ l-Fath. Nas.r had fi rst taught before he moved to Tyros and Damascus. This then got mixed up with information about a derelict school “al-Na¯s.iriyya” above the Golden Gate. The fact that Mujı¯r al-Dı¯n refers to this school as the one where al-Ghaza¯lı¯ taught, yet mentions that it was (re)founded by the Ayyu¯bid al-Ma¯lik al-Mu ¶az.z.am (al- ¶Ulaymı¯, al- Uns al-jalı¯l , 2:34.4–5) in 610/1214, is evidence for his confusion. 195. In a letter written in 504/1110, al-Ghaza¯lı¯ mentions that he took his vow at Hebron in the year 489 (al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz
196. See below, pp. 63–64. Cf. al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh , 38.17–18. 197. Al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:198.1–9. Tibawi, “Al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Sojourn,” 71. 198. Ibn al-Qala¯nisı¯ (d. 555/1160), Dhayl Ta 7 rı¯kh Dimashq , 134; Ibn al-Athı¯r, al- Ka¯mil , 10:185.
not e s to page s 4 5 – 4 8 3 0 1 199. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ (?), Tuhfat al-mulu¯k , 407.11–13. If genuine, this text would be to- gether with ¶Alı¯ ibn Z.a¯hir al-Sulamı¯’s (d. 500/1106) Kita¯b al-Jiha¯d, one of the earliest by a Muslim scholar who calls for jiha¯d against the crusaders. 200. Cf. Abu ¯ Bakr ibn al- ¶Arabı¯’s report below p. 65. The riba¯t. or kha¯nqa¯h of Abu
¯ Sa ¶d al-Nı¯sha¯bu¯rı¯ (d. 479/1086) was built about twenty years earlier. He left other religious buildings in Baghdad; see le Strange, Baghdad during the Abbasid Caliphate , 99–100, and Kasa¯ 7ı¯, Mada¯ris-i Niz.a¯miyyah , 112–14. Cf. also the valuable map of the quar- ter surrounding the Niz.a¯miyya madrasa in Baghdad shortly before the Mongol invasion of 656/1258, printed at the beginning of Kasa¯ 7ı¯’s book. Download 4.03 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: 
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