Crimea conference

Mr. Pritt 
That is because the hon. and gallant Member cannot make out a case for it.
Captain McEwen 
Therefore, without, I trust, causing any provocation, perhaps I may illustrate the situation as I see it by a simple simile. It is as if I saw someone, to whom I was bound by ties somewhat in excess of the ordinary ties of humanity, in the embrace of a bear. My expressions of concern are met by all sorts of reassuring and soothing words. I am told that this bear is, in fact, a tame bear; I am reminded that bears have many engaging qualities, that they love honey and that they occasionally indulge in a playfulness which is almost human; as to what is happening before my eyes, I am told that I can talk as much as I like about a bear's hug but that is nothing more or less than prejudice and, in fact, this is merely the bear's way of showing his affection. Well, that may be, but I cannot help feeling that history, natural and otherwise, is in this matter on my side. What has been done in the Crimea Conference has been done, but I for one cannot join in the chorus of approval which has greeted its doing, and both for the sake of my own conscience and in the hope of lessening the possibilities of this sort of thing repeating itself at some future stage, I feel I cannot allow it to pass without registering a definite but uncompromising protest.
Mr. Price (Forest of Dean) 
If hon. Members of this House have doubts in their minds as to how to vote on this occasion, I at least have none, for I wish to give whole-hearted support to the Motion and to congratulate the Prime Minister on the results of this great historic Conference. In the last century the Crimea was the scene of a tragedy in the history of relations between this country and Russia. It is very fitting that it should now be the scene of an entirely new page in the history of our relations which, I 1329hope, will prove lasting for the future. I am glad, too, that the Conference decided, apparently finally, that the Curzon Line is to be the basis of the Russo-Polish frontier. If ever there was an impartial inquiry made into the reasons for fixing the frontier on the basis of race and religion, the Curzon Line was an example. For some time past, however, that line has been challenged and the Atlantic Charter has been invoked for the purpose of claiming that there should be some other line. There is no question in my mind that the objection to the Curzon Line on the part of the London Polish Government hides, in actual fact, nothing less than an old Imperialist claim which the Poles have no right in this day to substantiate. There may have been some historical reason for it in the past when Russia was weakened, after the Mongol invasions, when the United Crown of Poland and Lithuania was able to extend into what was virtually a vacuum. But those days have long since gone, and now it is surely a waste of time. One is only too glad to feel that at the Crimea Conference a sound decision has been arrived at.
There may still be some adjustments of territory. For instance, Bialystok is a good case in point. There you have a strong Polish population, surrounded by non-Polish elements, and a little give and take there would be very desirable, and might do something to sugar the pill. I am also glad that in the matter of the future Government of Poland the Conference seems to have come to wise decisions. I am one of those who have held the view for some time that the Polish Government in London, as at present constituted, is becoming less and less entitled to speak on behalf of the Poles. At the same time, I have always held—and I said so on the last occasion on which I had the honour to address this House—that I did not feel that the Lublin Government were fully representative of all the democratic elements in Poland, and I am glad that the Conference has come to that decision—the decision to broaden the basis of that Government. I do not doubt in my own mind that the Lublin Government, even as they are now constituted, would gradually gain in experience and authority by the simple act of feeding and clothing the people with the aid of their great Eastern neighbour. But that is not enough. There are democratic Polish elements abroad who, at all costs, ought 1330to be encouraged to go to Poland and join the Lublin Government in creating a really national, democratic, and progressive Poland. I hope that if this Debate does anything it will at least encourage those elements abroad to pluck up their courage and go there and co-operate. Indeed, I hope that those of us who speak in this Debate will try to encourage it.
There is one point which ought to be cleared up, and I noticed a passage from the Prime Minister's speech which seemed to be hopeful in that direction. There are to be elections for the new Polish Parliament as soon as possible. The importance of these elections for the future of Poland and of Eastern Europe cannot be exaggerated, but I think it is necessary that there should be present at them representatives of the Great Powers in Europe, to watch and supervise over them. I say that not because I want to cast any doubt on the great Power that is nearest to Poland, and clearly overshadows her, but I think it would create a good deal of confidence among those Polish democrats who are now doubtful, if something like that could be arranged.
If that is not done I see the danger of steering into spheres of influence—and that applies not only to Poland but to Greece as well—and it is very undesirable that that should take place. There has been a tendency to develop in that direction since the Teheran Conference. I wonder whether the Crimea Conference will change that, so that the idea of spheres of influence will be exorcised altogether, and there will be more direct cooperation between the three Great Powers in all these cases where delicate situations arise, such as in Poland and Greece. I should like to see Russian representatives present when the elections are held in Greece. I think that would be a reasonable compromise and desirable in every possible way.
I am glad that the Conference agreed to leave the question of the Western frontiers of Poland to be decided in detail at a later date. I think that is wise, because on that matter I am not altogether too happy. It seems as if Russia is rather anxious to induce the Poles to accept a wide extension of territory in the West. I think the Poles have the right to say those famous words, Timeo Danaos, et dona ferentes— "I fear the Greeks even when they bring gifts"—