Crimea conference

Mr. Silverman 
On a point of Order. An hon. Member found himself extremely puzzled a few moments ago because he did not know whether the hon. and gallant Gentleman was quoting, and therefore reading, sonic telegram that he had received, or whether he was reading his speech. I gather that he has long left the telegram, but it looks rather as if he is reading the whole of his speech.
Captain Graham 
I prefer to refer to my notes out of conscientiousness. The hon. Member is usually acute enough to know what is happening.
Could not the hon. and gallant Gentleman discard his notes?
Captain Graham 
Why, in a matter affecting the sovereignty and territorial inviolability of Poland, did the Big Three, who expressly reaffirm in paragraph 5 their determination "to build a world-order under law," not accept the offer contained in the present constitutional Polish Government Memorandum of 22nd January to agree to any method provided for by international law for a just and equitable settlement of the dispute with the participation of both sides"? 1336The other question is: How can the Prime Minister reconcile the honour of this country with his ignoring of the explicit understanding at the time of the signing of the Anglo-Polish Treaty of Mutual Assistance that, if this country were to enter into any new undertakings with a third State, their execution should at no time prejudice either the sovereignty or territorial inviolability of Poland, and vice versa? If the right hon. Gentleman felt that, in spite of that explicit undertaking, he had, none the less, to make some arrangement which would violate the territorial inviolability of Poland, the least he could do was to take into consultation the other party to this Treaty, which is the legal constitutional Government of Poland sitting in London. It is, indeed, a mournful reflection that this Empire, which stood alone in 1940, except for Poland, against the might of triumphant Nazi Germany, cannot now, when she has mighty Allies by her side, stand up for juster treatment of her first and most martyred Ally of this war. But if, indeed, it be so, let us at least comport ourselves with dignity and honour. Do not let us pretend that something which is unjust is in reality right. Do not turn away from our own shores those who have given their lifeblood for the protection of our homes.
If we must consent to the fact of our Polish Allies being robbed of their homes, let us find them a new home in our Empire or elsewhere. Let us grant them the pensions that our own soldiers and wounded men receive, and, at least, the right to work here and if, after this treatment, they still care to receive it, British citizenship. To send them back to a Sovietised Poland, or to hand over Poland to the Government of the Lublin Committee, with the power that lies behind it, would be nothing less than the betrayal of innocent blood. We can only conscientiously consider the decision of the Yalta Conference in regard to Poland if the Government can ensure that contingents of Allied troops shall be present in the country to supervise, not merely the elections but the general conditions of life itself in Poland. Otherwise, we cannot avoid that most severe of all condemnations which lies upon those who betray innocent blood.
Mr. Driberg (Maldon) 
I suppose that the Foreign Secretary will not have much 1337difficulty in disposing, if he wishes, of the brief which we have just heard read. I do not in the least quarrel with the hon. and gallant Member for having read it, because, as has been pointed out, it is the practice that Ministerial statements should frequently be read from that Box in order to ensure greater accuracy, and in this House, as the House well knows, the hon. and gallant Member may be regarded in some sort as a Ministerial spokesman. I quarrel with him the less because I propose myself in a few minutes to have recourse to a rather full note.