Foreign relations of the united states 1969–1976 volume XXXVII energy crisis, 1974–1980 department of state washington
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- 284. Memorandum From the Executive Secretary of the Department of State (Tarnoff) to the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Brzezinski)
- 285. Memorandum From Secretary of Energy Duncan to President Carter
- 286. Briefing Memorandum From the Assistant Secretary of State for Economic and Business Affairs (Hinton) and the
Leslie J. Goldman 7 7 Peter Borre´ signed for Goldman above this typed signature. 283. Memorandum From Henry Owen of the National Security Council Staff to President Carter 1 Washington, September 25, 1980. SUBJECT Comments on the Duncan–Yamani Conversation Although the conflict between Iran and Iraq dominates our imme- diate concerns about oil supply and prices, I believe the most important development on the international energy front continues to be Saudi Oil Minister Yamani’s campaign to institute scheduled OPEC price ad- justments indexed to OECD inflation, exchange rate movements, and OECD economic growth rates. As Charles Duncan reported in his Sep- tember 19 memorandum, 2 Yamani was confident immediately after the OPEC Vienna meeting that he could win agreement by the time of the OPEC Summit meeting in Baghdad, November 4–5. Now, of course, the Iraq–Iran war may force postponement of that meeting and possi- 1 Source: Carter Library, National Security Affairs, Staff Material, International Eco- nomics File, Box 48, Rutherford Poats File, Chron, 9/17–30/80. Secret. Sent for information. 2 Duncan met with Yamani in Geneva on September 19; the memorandum of con- versation, September 19, is ibid., Brzezinski Material, Country File, Box 68, Saudi Arabia, 8–9/80. Duncan’s memorandum to Carter about the conversation is ibid. 365-608/428-S/80010 January 1979–January 1981 893 bly also prevent holding preparatory sessions, the first of which was to be in London October 14. Yamani gave Duncan a surprising assurance about the most ob- vious flaw in the scheme’s early draft: it will, he said, contain a supply management component providing for injection of additional supplies of oil (from countries with excess capacity) into the market when a shortage threatens, as well as providing for production cuts when a glut threatens. If this is confirmed by OPEC decision, the one-sided floor price scheme that we feared was in the making could become, in- stead, a price-regulating system designed to bring OPEC prices gradu- ally up to some notional parity with alternative fuels. Duncan properly sounds a note of caution on whether a supply as- surance actually will be adopted by OPEC and given operational mean- ing. Undoubtedly any supply assurance will be loose enough to permit use of the oil weapon over Arab-Israeli issues. In addition, the price- indexation formula now proposed needs adjustment to cure its infla- tionary bias. Nonetheless, if Yamani is right in his optimism, we may be within hailing distance of an OPEC decision that offers a qualified promise of two years of fairly predictable gradualism in oil prices. The next step is to work out a common response among the Summit countries to the pending OPEC price-supply strategy—a re- sponse designed to produce needed improvements in its terms without exposing us to pressures for extraneous concessions on aid, trade and financial issues in the UN North-South arena. Charles Duncan dis- cussed today with the Italian and French energy ministers the possibil- ity of an October meeting of officials to this end.
365-608/428-S/80010 894 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXXVII 284. Memorandum From the Executive Secretary of the Department of State (Tarnoff) to the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Brzezinski) 1 Washington, September 26, 1980. SUBJECT The Iran–Iraq Conflict Described below is the summary outcome of an interagency meeting on the Iranian-Iraqi conflict held today, chaired by Hal Saunders, which aimed at anticipating SCC needs for information or policy suggestions. Participants also reviewed the prospect of new problems and new opportunities emerging from the crisis. 1. Dealing with the energy implications: Discussion: We must prepare for two contingencies: (a) If the present curtailment of Iranian and Iraqi oil shipments continues for 2–3 months, there will be psychological pressure on prices. Consumers heavily dependent upon Iraq—France, Brazil, and India for instance— might feel strongly inclined to resort to the spot market, adding to price pressures. (b) If exports from a significant number of other Gulf pro- ducers are also curtailed, we should have assessed the consequences in advance and readied steps to minimize them.
—to ascertain precisely how much oil the Iraqi pipelines to the Mediterranean through Turkey, Syria, and now Lebanon could handle and, conversely, the consequences of shutdown. (Action: State/EB, State/INR, DOE, Treasury, CIA) —to estimate how partial or total further curtailment of Gulf oil production and shipments (caused by harassment of shipping, damage to facilities, political actions, etc.) might affect the world energy scene. (Action: DOE, State/EB, State/INR, Treasury, CIA) —to prepare a paper analyzing in what fashion France and Brazil, among other major consumers of Iraqi oil, might be protected ade- quately, noting that France has a closer connection with the IEA than Brazil. (Action: DOE, State) —to consider preparing a cable to appropriate posts providing our assessment of the oil situation, and how key consuming countries could best deal with the situation through inventory management and 1 Source: Carter Library, National Security Affairs, Brzezinski Material, Country File, Box 34, Iran/Iraq, 9/80. Secret; Exdis. 365-608/428-S/80010 January 1979–January 1981 895 care in entering the spot market. The principal objective would be to avoid driving prices up. (Action: State/EB, with DOE and Treasury) —to identify countries where we have important military strategic understandings, aside from major states such as France and Brazil, which might be affected by the oil situation. The ultimate purpose might be to provide such countries special help in bridging future supply problems. (Action: State and DOD) —to consider consulting with the major oil companies to assess the market picture and potential problems with the most seriously affected nations. (Action: DOE and State, after consultation with the Justice Department) —to consider contingency discussions with major producing states on accommodating short-term demands and helping to bridge problems. (Action: State/EB, DOE, Treasury) —to investigate whether the new tanker routing in the Gulf or- dered by Iran will prevent or imperil movement of the largest tankers. (Action: State/EB, with Commerce) —to continue an informal interagency oil group to monitor these problems, which would not cut across the Carswell efforts. (Action: State, DOE, Treasury) —to consider an early IEA Governing Board meeting to discuss coordinated action. (Action: State and DOE) [Omitted here are discussion and decisions on “efforts to end the war and mediate the crisis.”] 365-608/428-S/80010 896 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXXVII 285. Memorandum From Secretary of Energy Duncan to President Carter 1 Washington, October 10, 1980. SUBJECT Trip to Venezuela and Meetings with President Herrera and Minister of Energy and Mines Calderon Berti At the invitation of Energy Minister Calderon Berti, I visited Vene- zuela on September 30 and October 1. Because of the need to monitor world oil market developments and develop coordinated stocking pol- icies with our allies, the originally planned three day trip was short- ened to a day. The discussion with President Herrera on the morning of October 1 lasted almost an hour and a half and was frank and cordial. The dis- cussions through the remainder of the day with Energy Minister Cal- deron Berti covered a broad range of issues, including the world oil market and the expanding technological cooperation between our two countries. A speech I gave to the Venezuelan-American Chamber of Commerce offered the opportunity to stress our own domestic energy achievements and reassure public opinion that the U.S. and Venezuela have a growing and mutually beneficial energy relationship. Attached you will find detailed memorandums of conversation of these meetings as well as a copy of the joint communique´ we issued. 2
President Herrera asked that the U.S. help insure that major oil companies act with restraint in world crude markets. He stressed the importance of the Venezuelan aid program being organized for energy development in the hemisphere, and asked for our technical and finan- cial help. He took note of my observation that countries, like Brazil, heavily dependent on Iraq for oil, will need short-term supply relief and indicated a desire to settle outstanding nationalization tax claims with U.S. majors. In a confidential meeting, Minister Calderon Berti expressed in- terest in reviewing funding possibilities for heavy oil development 1 Source: Carter Library, National Security Affairs, Staff Material, North/South File, Box 47, Pastor Country Files, Venezuela, 1–12/80. Confidential. Carter initialed the memorandum. 2 The memoranda of conversation are attached but not printed. The joint commu- nique´ is not attached, but the text was transmitted in telegram 8851 from Caracas, Oc- tober 6. (National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy Files, D800479–0428) 365-608/428-S/80010 January 1979–January 1981 897 through our Energy Security Corporation. He also stated his intention to help Brazil secure additional oil supplies and to urge Mexico to also provide such aid. In a wider meeting he expressed approval of our in- tention to encourage refinery retrofits to use Venezuelan heavy crude oil, and asked our help in acquiring excess residual fuel oil for the next two years in exchange for future oil supply assurances. He also asked our help in securing Canadian participation in Venezuela’s hemi- spheric energy development program and expressed a desire to settle the nationalization tax claim issue with U.S. majors, although he said it might take some time. Following is a more detailed review of the most significant aspects of these meetings. Meetings with President Herrera • U.S. Oil Companies The President stressed the importance of the U.S. role in insuring that major multinational oil companies did not bid up spot prices in the delicate world oil market brought on by the Iran–Iraq war. The Presi- dent indicated that Venezuela wanted to be responsible, but if oil com- pany speculation caused major price rises, the OPEC nations would find it difficult not to take such additional profits for themselves. I as- sured him that we had already been in touch with approximately 30 of the top companies and were working closely with our IEA partners to develop a coordinated stock policy to insure the continuation of calm markets.
The President stressed the importance of Venezuela’s efforts through the Organization for Latin American Energy Development (OLADE) to develop a hemispheric aid program designed to support energy development in the smaller nations. He noted that at the appro- priate time it would be important for the U.S. to provide technological and financial support. I indicated that the United States was prepared to pursue this important objective on a world-wide basis through an expanded World Bank facility. The President said he would study how this might fit with the Venezuelan effort. • Help to Brazil I indicated the importance, in view of the potential psychological market difficulties presented by the Iran–Iraq conflict, that hemispheric countries like Brazil, which were heavily dependent on Iraqi oil, be pro- vided some kind of temporary aid so as to avoid inflaming the spot market. I did not press the President for a specific commitment on this 365-608/428-S/80010 898 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXXVII point, but was assured later by Calderon Berti that Venezuela would help Brazil. • Nationalization Claims I concluded by noting the importance of settling the outstanding oil nationalization tax claims between Venezuela and several U.S. majors in view of the growing importance of our bilateral relations. The President expressed a desire to do so, indicated that they would be moving within the next several weeks on settlements with several smaller companies, and would continue to seek solutions to the multi- million dollar claims against the American majors formerly operating in Venezuela.
In a confidential session I indicated to the Minister that the author- izing legislation for the Energy Security Corporation 3 provided for two hemispheric projects outside the United States involving a potential of several billion dollars. I indicated that the Corporation would be willing to explore participation in the massive investment that would be needed to develop heavy oil facilities. The Minister expressed an in- terest in studying a memorandum we promised to provide on this pos- sibility. The Minister also expressed Venezuela’s intention to urge other countries, like Mexico, to help Brazil with oil supplies. He also in- dicated his strong desire to solve the politically difficult nationalization claims question. He offered no other details.
He complimented me on my statement before the Chamber of Commerce referring to the U.S. intention to encourage the construction and retrofit of refineries to handle Venezuela’s increasing heavy crude production. He stressed that the greatest quantities of heavy crude would go to those countries which offered the most in return to Vene- zuela. While noting that negotiations for guarantees of heavy crude supplies to some U.S. companies were underway, the Minister said that Venezuela was very close to closing deals with France and Germany for specific heavy crude quantities in exchange for broad-ranging assist- ance programs. 3 The Energy Security Corporation was renamed the Synthetic Fuels Corporation in the Energy Security Act of 1980. 365-608/428-S/80010 January 1979–January 1981 899 • Residual Fuel Oil Problem The Minister noted a special refinery problem Venezuela will have over the next several years and asked for our help. When Venezuela’s major refinery upgrading program is complete in two years, they will have maximum flexibility to produce a broad range of crude oil products. Until then they must refine a minimum amount of residual fuel oil to meet domestic gasoline demand. This includes a need to sell approximately 400,000 barrels per day of residual fuel oil to the United States. In part because of our efforts to back out of oil, residual sales to the U.S. have sunk to as low as 260,000 barrels per day. The Minister suggested that if the U.S. could guarantee enough fuel oil sales to solve this Venezuelan surplus problem over the next two years, Venezuela in turn would be willing to give some specified level of supply assurance to the U.S. for the future. In the alternative, the need to sell this residual fuel oil in European markets would mean less future supplies to the United States. I promised the Minister to study this matter and get back to him. We are currently developing options, including the possibility of using such fuel oil for a regional SPR, to take advantage of this offer. • Hemispheric Energy Program The Minister elaborated on Venezuela’s plans for a hemispheric energy development program. He noted there would be a meeting this week in Rio de Janeiro of the OLADE countries to continue to develop their proposal and another meeting at the end of November to finalize the package. After the first of the year, he expected that the OLADE countries would be in a position to seek possible technical and financial participation from the United States and Canada. He specifically asked my help in convincing the Canadians that this would be a worthwhile undertaking. While making no long-term commitments concerning our financial participation, I continued to endorse the general concept and indicated I would speak to the Canadians. • Oil Facility Agreement The Minister also asked if we would help facilitate implementation of the Venezuelan-Mexican oil facility designed to assist nine small Ca- ribbean countries with their oil purchases. He noted that implementa- tion of this agreement would require cooperation from the major oil companies, an area where we could prove helpful. I observed we had already responded to such a request from Mexico with regard to Nica- ragua and stood prepared to help if Venezuela would provide us with the appropriate specifics.
The Minister observed that he doubted the November 3 OPEC heads of state meeting in Baghdad would take place, although he indi-
365-608/428-S/80010 900 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXXVII cated that the October 14 meeting of OPEC oil ministers in London would now take on new significance in view of the Iran–Iraq conflict. 4 In the afternoon I received a briefing from the Chairman of the Board of Petroleos de Venezuela concerning Venezuelan heavy oil de- velopment plans and the massive investment that will be needed to meet the goal of one million barrels per day of heavy oil production by the year 2000. In this regard, the Umbrella Agreement on technical co- operation I initialed with Calderon Berti when he visited here last March
5 was expanded during this visit by the addition of three more projects specifically directed at perfecting heavy oil technologies. The continuing expansion of our technology exchange and the frank expression of our views concerning the complementary roles of Venezuela, OPEC, the United States and its consuming allies in acting responsibly to stabilize world oil markets, served to further develop the expanding relationship with Venezuela and Energy Minister Calderon Berti. 6
Both meetings were postponed. The Oil Ministers of Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, and Kuwait met in Taif on October 10 and agreed to increase production by a mil- lion barrels jointly. (The New York Times, October 14, 1980, p. D1) 5 The agreement was signed on March 6 during Calderon Bertı´’s visit to Washington. 6 On October 11, Owen sent a memorandum to the President commenting on Duncan’s memoranda: “Charles Duncan’s visit to Venezuela appears to have advanced two of our major energy security purposes: to cement the kind of US-Venezuelan energy relationship that will help to accelerate the development of Venezuela’s huge heavy crude oil resources, and to secure reliable access for hard-hit countries to additional Ven- ezuelan oil supply in an emergency.” (Carter Library, National Security Affairs, Staff Ma- terial, North/South File, Box 47, Pastor Country Files, Venezuela, 1–12/80) 365-608/428-S/80010 January 1979–January 1981 901 286. Briefing Memorandum From the Assistant Secretary of State for Economic and Business Affairs (Hinton) and the Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs (Vest) to Secretary of State Muskie 1 Washington, November 11, 1980. SUBJECT The Impending Oil Crisis: Policy Options I. Summary There is a serious risk the world will face an oil supply shortfall of 1 million barrels per day (mb/d) or more through the first half of 1981. Unless the U.S. and other major oil importing nations take immediate and strong actions, we risk a repeat of 1979 when market panic turned a small shortfall into a more than doubling of oil prices. The world economy can ill afford another such shock. The present International Energy Agency (IEA) policy of encouraging stock drawdowns and avoiding abnormal spot market purchases can be successful only as long as market participants believe that a resumption of oil supplies from Iran and Iraq will occur during the first quarter of 1981 or before. As that belief fades, many companies and governments suffering short- falls will enter the spot market and drive up prices; this is already be- ginning. The IEA nations need to act before the end of this year to re- strain oil import demand and to ensure that oil will be available to countries and companies experiencing serious shortfalls if we are to avoid a sharp increase in oil prices. There are four major options for an internationally coordinated response—reinforce present voluntary pol- icies, impose politically binding national oil import ceilings, trigger the IEA emergency oil sharing system, or combine ceilings with a selective triggering of the IEA system. Under all four options, but particularly the last three, the U.S. would be required to adopt strong, politically difficult domestic energy policy measures. State, DOE, and the NSC (Henry Owen) are consulting with other IEA members and with the White House and OMB and will have a recommendation for you and Secretary Duncan to send to the President early next week. II. The Problem The war between Iraq and Iran has taken 3.8 mb/d of oil imports off the world market, over 8% of non-communist production. Since 1 Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy Files, P870012–0201. Confidential; Exdis. Drafted by Hecklinger and Bullen and cleared in E, EUR/RPE, S/P, NEA/RA, and EA. 365-608/428-S/80010 902 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXXVII world consumption has declined, we can simply do without some of this oil—about 1 mb/d. Another 1–1.5 mb/d is apparently being made up through increased production from the Saudis and other OPEC na- tions. This leaves a shortfall of over 1 mb/d, which is now being met by above normal stock draw-downs and some belt-tightening by nations without adequate stocks. Depending on a number of factors—how much additional supply is made available by OPEC nations, whether companies and individuals begin to hoard oil, and whether the war ex- pands or interferes with Gulf shipping, the shortfall could become much larger. The current shortfall is not distributed evenly among countries and companies. The US lost a very small percentage of of its oil. France lost 30%, Italy 15%, Japan 8%, Turkey 70%, Brazil 43%, and India 45%. (Turkey and Portugal are in especially difficult straits; supplies prob- ably can be found for Portugal, but it is proving much more difficult to meet Turkey’s needs.) Also many small nations depended on Iraq for most of their oil needs and at concessional terms. Even in countries which have lost little overall, certain companies have suffered substan- tial losses. This means that even though world stocks are high, some nations and companies are experiencing serious difficulties now and others will soon. If they are unable to secure adequate supplies from other producers, they will turn to the spot market to make up their shortfall. India and others have done so already. Spot market prices have already increased, in some cases over $5 per barrel. As the war and the shortfall continue, prices will rise much faster; they will soon surpass the $40+ levels reached in 1979 and will likely break the $50 per barrel level by early 1981. Eventually, as in 1979, official OPEC prices will be raised in response. OPEC ministers meeting in Bali on December 15 to set new prices will be very attentive to price trends on the spot market. Also in December, long term con- tracts for 1981 between producer countries and companies will be ne- gotiated. Some producers, in response to rising spot prices, will impose surcharges of probably $5–$7/bbl on their official prices (more than 15% above current prevailing prices). The consequences of oil price rises are significant. The CIA has es- timated that each $10 per barrel rise in the price of oil results in a .7% increase in inflation in the first year in OECD countries (plus another .7% in the second year) and a .5% decrease in economic growth in the first year (.3% and .2% in the second and third years). The effects on de- veloping countries are even more severe. IEA nations agreed on October 1 to take steps to avoid abnormal purchases on the spot market and to meet any shortfall through stock draws. This has had some effect, but cracks in the IEA facade are ap- pearing. Stocks are largely in private hands and companies will be re- 365-608/428-S/80010 January 1979–January 1981 903 luctant to draw them down even at normal rates if they think that the shortfall will continue into 1981. The current IEA policy is based on jawboning and persuasion; it cannot force companies to draw down stocks, nor can it reallocate oil to IEA or non-IEA nations or companies facing the most serious shortfalls to prevent them from resorting to the spot market. Producer allocation of additional production will help some, but far from all, of those in need. The IEA Governing Board meets November 20–21 and IEA minis- ters on December 8–9. We believe that strong action must be taken if we are to avoid another economic disaster on the order of 1979. The IEA can reduce pressure on prices in two ways: 1) reducing demand for im- ported oil, thereby making extra oil available generally to nations and companies which need it, and 2) reallocating oil to those countries and companies in need. The former is necessary to cover a shortfall, but taken alone may not be sufficiently rapid or direct to stem rising pres- sure on the spot market; the latter would better meet the spot market problem, though there is no formal IEA mechanism to redirect oil to non-IEA countries. Procedural and Political Factors: The actions we propose will depend on what emerges from our consultations with other IEA nations, especially Japan, the UK, and FRG, and France and the domestic measures the U.S. is willing to adopt to support our efforts in the IEA. The IEA Secretariat appears to be ad- vocating a triggering of the sharing system. We will discuss this with IEA Executive Director Lantzke in Washington next Sunday. We do not yet have a full readout of the positions of the other major countries, though at the October Governing Board meeting 2 the Germans ap- peared more amenable to setting ceilings than we expected. We foresee difficulties in persuading the UK to agree to ceilings or triggering. Since the UK is almost a net exporter, it is shielded from many of the direct effects of a shortfall; also it fears that a system of ceilings would indi- rectly give other countries some control over its production levels. Af- ter we are more certain of what measures we can implement domesti- cally, we will be able to deal with the British, Germans, Japanese and others more effectively. The Options Option 1: Reinforce Present Policies IEA nations would continue to persuade their companies not to re- sort to the spot market and to draw down stocks to meet shortfalls. To 2 The October 21 meeting is summarized in telegram 33213 from Paris, October 22. (Ibid., D800505–0165) 365-608/428-S/80010 904 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXXVII strengthen our efforts we could use more forceful jawboning and adopt voluntary stock targets. While this would be the path of least political resistance in the IEA and would require the least sacrifice by the U.S. in the short-term, it would not be adequate to prevent a substantial price increase if the shortfall continues.
IEA nations (and France) could adopt ceilings to reduce oil import demand by an amount sufficient to cover the entire world shortfall or the IEA share of that shortfall (over 75%). The reduction could be allo- cated among IEA nations as a proportion of imports or consumption; though the former would be more advantageous to the US, it would more politically feasible and equitable to base ceilings on consumption. Thus, if the shortfall were 1 mb/d, the US would have to absorb an im- port cut of 470,000 b/d resulting in an import ceiling of about 6.6 mb/d (including territories). While some believe we can achieve this through present policies and mandatory fuel switching by utilities, (assuming no abnormal stock building), additional measures might be needed. Advantages: IEA nations will probably accept ceilings, although ne- gotiations will be difficult. Ceilings could be set to cover the entire world shortfall, not just the IEA share as would be the case with the oil sharing system (Option 3). Ceilings can be flexible enough to take into account factors such as economic growth prospects, recent changes in consumption levels, etc., that are not fully taken into account in the oil sharing system. Disadvantages: There is no guarantee that IEA nations will take the domestic demand restraint measures necessary to achieve their ceil- ings. Even if they try to do so, they may not succeed since few if any would adopt a fail-safe measure like a quota. Also nations might not act with the speed necessary to take pressure off the spot market. Monitor- ing is difficult; success can only be determined after some months. Ceil- ings do not provide for directing supplies to oil short IEA and non-IEA nations; this would have to be done indirectly through consultation with oil companies. A ceiling system would not automatically provide legal authority for IEA governments to implement strong domestic measures. Option 3: Trigger the Oil Sharing System A “general trigger” is possible when the IEA as a whole has a shortfall greater than 7% of a base period (the previous four quarters with a quarter lag). Any member with a 7% shortfall can pull the “selec- tive trigger” and the other nations will make up any shortfall above that 7%. Since IEA oil consumption has been declining, the IEA’s oil supplies were almost 7% below the base period even before the Iran/
365-608/428-S/80010 January 1979–January 1981 905 Iraq war. The shortfall may cross the 7% general trigger threshold if lost Iranian/Iraqi oil is not substantially made up. If it does not, the general trigger threshold could possibly be reduced to less than 7% by unani- mous vote. Advantages: This system could be implemented quickly, making use of a previously agreed mechanism and formula. It would give the U.S. and other IEA governments legal authority to implement strong domestic measures such as enhanced demand restraint, domestic oil al- location, and stock controls. It would make oil available to hard-hit IEA countries and companies reducing the tendency to resort to the spot market. Its operation is based on monthly estimated data, ensuring prompt monitoring and response to changing conditions.
The system limits each country to its formula share of available oil; this could hold Turkey, Portugal, Greece and Italy, for example, below needed import levels. The U.S. would be required to supply oil to other countries, amounting to 200,000–300,000 b/d for a group shortfall of 1–1.5 mbd (however, this will probably be less than under ceilings). The need to compensate U.S. companies which gave up oil could eventually force the U.S. to implement domestic oil alloca- tion—which poses political and practical problems. The system allo- cates oil according to a base period (July 1979–June 1980) which does not reflect current oil requirements. It does little for non-IEA countries. The margin of error of data used makes it difficult to trigger for a small shortfall. Further, the system, though tested, is yet untried. Finally, trig- gering could cause market nervousness. Option 4: Selective Trigger with Ceilings Oil import ceilings could be combined with a selective triggering for hard-hit IEA countries such as Austria, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Portu- gal, Spain, and Turkey. The advantages and disadvantages of an import ceiling system are applicable to this option. In addition, while this option would provide some direct assistance to hard-hit countries, relief would be limited to 93% of the base period. These countries might be better off with only a ceiling system if additional supplies could be assured informally. Also countries in a technical trigger situation but not really short of oil (Ger- many, the U.K., Belgium, Switzerland, and probably the U.S.) might be tempted to trigger to avoid incurring an obligation to supply oil to other countries; this would make the system unworkable.
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