Guide to Citizens’ Rights and Responsibilities

Darnah
Tobruk
Sîdi
Omar
Yafran
Zuwarah
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Murzuq
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Ghat
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Al Qatrún
Sabha
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Tajarhi
Dirj
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Hun
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Ban
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 Wal
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At Taj
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Waw al Kab
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Banghaz
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Al Bayda'
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Ajdabiya
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S U D A N
A L G E R I A
T U N I S I A
C H A D
N I G E R
EGYPT
Libya
W
S
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E
LIBYA
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Al Qaryah
ash Sharq
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yah
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(MAP BY MARYLAND CARTOGRAPHICS/ THE GALE GROUP)

1963 with a unitary system that joined the three provinces into a united king-
dom with a parliamentary legislature. Under the reign of King Idris, Libya could
best be characterized as a conservative, traditional Arab state. In a period of
mounting turmoil and radicalism throughout the Arab world, socioeconomic
and political forces inside and outside Libya steadily increased the gulf between
the traditional ruling elite and emerging new social forces and groups.
On September 1, 1969, with aging King Idris abroad for medical treatment,
a group of young army officers, calling themselves the Free Unionist Officers
Movement, overthrew the monarchy in a bloodless 
coup
d’etat, initiating what
became known as the One September Revolution. The Free Unionist Officers
were led by a central committee of twelve men who later designated themselves
the ruling Revolutionary Command Council (RCC). The members of the RCC
shared similar backgrounds, motivations, and worldviews. Largely drawn from
the lower middle class and minor tribes, most of them graduated from the Libyan
Military Academy at a time when a military career offered excellent opportunities
for upward socioeconomic mobility.
The composition of the RCC remained anonymous for a period of time, but
within days, it announced that Muammar al-Qaddafi (b. 1942) had been promoted
to commander in chief of the Libyan armed forces. Born near Sirte in northern
Libya, Qaddafi was the only surviving son of a poor Bedouin family. First educated
in Muslim schools, he later graduated from the Libyan Military Academy in 1965
and completed advanced military training in the United Kingdom. The RCC
remained a relatively closed organization, but it was soon apparent that Qaddafi
was its chairman and the 
de facto
head of state.
B A S I S   F O R   G O V E R N M E N T
The RCC replaced the 1951 constitution with a constitutional proclamation
in December 1969. The proclamation described the RCC as the highest author-
ity in the land with both executive and legislative functions. It was empowered
to take whatever measures it deemed necessary to protect the regime or the
revolution. The 1969 constitutional proclamation also empowered the RCC to
appoint a Council of Ministers to run the government. The council’s function
was to implement state policy as defined by the RCC. Initially intended to remain
in force until the completion of the so-called national democratic revolution, the
1969 constitutional proclamation was expected to be replaced later by a perma-
nent constitution. In the early 2000s this had not yet occurred, and the political
system bore no resemblance to the one outlined in the proclamation. The RCC
also continued a ban on the organization and operation of political parties first
imposed by King Idris in 1952. Like many contemporary Islamic thinkers, Qaddafi
rejected the political party system, not because it was incompatible with the
Qur’an or Islamic law (Shari’a), but because he was unimpressed with party
organization and competition.
On April 15, 1973, Qaddafi proclaimed a nationwide popular revolution based
on a five-point program. Core elements of the program called for all existing laws
to be replaced by revolutionary enactments, an administrative revolution to
eliminate all forms of 
bourgeoisie
and bureaucracy, and a 
cultural revolution
to rid
Libya of poisonous ideas. To consummate the revolution, Qaddafi urged the
Libyan people to seize political power through people’s committees, which were
to be elected throughout the country on either a geographical and or a function-
al basis. Geographically, the creation of people’s committees through direct pop-
ular elections began at the lowest level of government, the zone. The RCC also
authorized the election of selected people’s committees on a functional basis, for
98
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L i b y a
bourgeoisie: the economic middle class
marked by wealth earned through business
or trade
cultural revolution: a radical change in a
culture usually caused by new ideas, events,
or technology
de facto: (Latin) actual; in effect but not
officially declared
coup: a quick seizure of power or a sudden
attack
■ ■ ■  

example, in public corporations, universities, and hospitals; however, concerned
that anarchy might develop, it prohibited the election of people’s committees in
government ministries.
Qaddafi began to give his radical approach to government a theoretical
underpinning in 1972 with the development of what he termed the Third
Universal Theory. In so doing, he attempted to develop an alternative to capital-
ism and communism, both of which he found unsuitable to the Libyan environ-
ment. Condemning the two as monopolistic, Qaddafi characterized communism
as a state monopoly of ownership and capitalism as a monopoly of ownership by
capitalists and companies. Initially, he grouped the Soviet Union and the United
States together as 
imperialist
countries intent on obtaining spheres of influence
in the Arab world. Later, Qaddafi developed extensive cultural, economic, military,
and political ties with the Soviet Union, but ideological affinity never played a
significant role in their relationship.
Qaddafi outlined the major tenets of the Third Universal Theory in the
three volumes of The Green Book published after 1975. In the first volume,
The Solution to the Problem of Democracy, he developed the political basis for
the system of congresses and committees implemented throughout Libya in the
first decade of the revolution. In the second volume, The Solution of the Economic
Problem “Socialism,” he explored the economic dimensions of the Third Universal
Theory, relating them to the new political system. The final volume, The Social
Basis of the Third Universal Theory, focused on the social aspects of his theory of
government.
On September 1, 1976, Qaddafi announced the creation of the General
People’s Congress (GPC), a national-level representative body. 
Delegates
to the
GPC are normally the chairpersons of the basic people’s congresses, members
of the municipal and branch people’s committees, and the representatives of
the people’s committees elected on a functional basis. The number of delegates
varies from session to session but generally approximates one thousand per-
sons. Scheduled to meet annually, the GPC is the principal forum in which the
plans, programs, and policies of the government are discussed and 
ratified
.
Formal ratification carries with it responsibility for policy implementation at the
people’s congress and people’s committee levels. The general secretary of the
GPC is the chief executive, and the general secretariat of the GPC is the chief
executive’s staff and advisory body.
On March 2, 1977, the revolutionary government issued the “Declaration of
the Establishment of the Peoples Authority,” which stated that direct popular
authority would be the basis for the new Libyan political system. The declaration
was not a constitution, as some observers suggested; nevertheless, its central
principles related to the people’s authority fundamentally revised the govern-
mental structure outlined in the 1969 constitutional proclamation. The March
1977 declaration also changed the official name of Libya to the Socialist People’s
Libyan Arab Jamahiryia. Jamahiriya was a newly coined Arabic word that had no
official meaning but was translated unofficially to mean “people’s power” or
“state of the masses.” The revolutionary government used the term to convey
the idea that the Libyan people rule themselves without interference from state
institutions. After 1986 Libyan officials began to refer to Libya as the Great
Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, but no official explanation was given
for this slight change in nomenclature. Qaddafi became the general secretary of
the GPC in 1977, and the remaining four members of the RCC composed its
general secretariat. A General People’s Committee was formed at the same time
to replace the former Council of Ministers. Members of the General People’s
Committee were referred to as secretaries rather than as ministers.
G O V E R N M E N T S   O F   T H E   W O R L D
99
L i b y a
imperialism: extension of the control of one
nation over another, especially through terri-
torial, economic, and political expansion
■ ■ ■  
delegate: to assign power to another, or, one
who represents another
ratify: to make official or to officially sanction

Revolutionary committees were another new 
echelon
of government cre-
ated in 1976 and 1977. Their existence was not widely known until 1979 when
the GPC first described their official functions. The revolutionary committee sys-
tem was established to raise the political consciousness of the Libyan people.
Reporting to Qaddafi, members of the revolutionary committees were self-
proclaimed zealots who became the true 
cadre
of the revolution. As Qaddafi
repeatedly emphasized, the people’s committees were responsible for adminis-
trative matters, but it was the revolutionary committees that exercised revolu-
tionary control.
Qaddafi remained the general secretary of the GPC until 1979 when he
resigned to concentrate on what he described as revolutionary activities,
adopting the new title, Leader of the Revolution. The former RCC members
constituting the GPC general secretariat resigned their positions at the same
time. Nevertheless, Qaddafi and his inner circle continued to control and direct
the Libyan government after 1979. Despite the facade of popular participation
in the system of congresses and committees, the Leader of the Revolution
selects the members of the general secretariat of the GPC, all of whom serve at
his convenience.
From the outset, the RCC had stressed that it planned to reform the Libyan
judicial system within an Islamic context. In October 1971, the RCC formed a leg-
islative review committee, composed of leading legal experts, to ensure existing
laws conformed with the Shari’a. Two years later, it 
promulgated
a law merging
the existing civil and Shari’a courts into a single judicial system, consisting of four
levels of 
jurisdiction
. The partial court, which exists in most villages and towns, is
the lowest level court with the court of first instance serving as a court of appeal
for the partial court. Appeals courts in Benghazi, Sabha, and Tripoli hear cases
referred from the court of first instance but have limited original jurisdiction.
Finally, a Supreme Court, consisting of five chambers, sits in Tripoli.
The GPC appoints all judges. The U.S. Department of State Human Rights
Reports consider Libyan courts to be under governmental control and note that
security forces have the power to pass sentences without trial. Amnesty
International continues to note the existence of unfair trials in partial courts.
However, there is some evidence that, with the exception of political cases, judi-
cial independence and due process are generally respected in ordinary
litigation
.
P O L I T I C A L   L I F E   U N D E R   T H E   R E G I M E
After more than three decades of revolution, over half the Libyan population
knows no government other than that of Qaddafi. He is the oldest leader in the
Arab world, in terms of years in office, and the oldest leader in the world, except-
ing Cuba’s Fidel Castro. With a large percentage of the population sharing a vested
interest in the status quo, political apathy is often the norm with many Libyans
accepting an implicit trade-off between a lack of social and political freedom and a
relatively high standard of living.
In addition, many Libyans have viewed Qaddafi’s handling of the Lockerbie
affair—in which Libya accepted responsibility for the actions of Libyan officials
in the 1998 bombing of Pan Am flight 103 and agreed in 2003 to pay $2.7 billion
in compensation to the families of the victims—as something of a diplomatic
triumph. Others have remained optimistic about the positive economic results
expected to come after 2003 when both the international 
sanctions
imposed
by the UN in 1991 and the bilateral sanctions imposed in 1986 by the United
States were lifted. Much of the remaining domestic opposition, which was dealt
100
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L i b y a
sanction: economic, political, or military
reprisals, or, to ratify
litigate: to bring a disagreement or violation
of the law before a judge for a legal decision
F A S T   F A C T S
The Lockerbie Affair was a turning point in
the worldwide response to terrorism; after-
wards, many nations came together to form a
joint resolution, marking the first time sepa-
rate nations worked as one to effectively sup-
press international terrorist activities.
■ ■ ■  
echelon: from the French for “rung,” one level
of a hierarchical society or other institution
cadre: a close group of skilled individuals
■ ■ ■  
promulgation: an official declaration, espe-
cially that a law can start being enforced
jurisdiction: the territory or area within
which authority may be exercised

with harshly by the regime in the 1990s, came from Islamic 
fundamentalist
organizations. International human rights groups in 2003 and 2004 documented
hundreds of political prisoners or prisoners of conscience in Libya, some held
without charge or trial for over a decade. Opposition outside Libya to the
Qaddafi regime is located mainly in Europe and has been mostly limited to
remote, ineffective criticism of the regime.
In short, Qaddafi’s quixotic personality masks a relatively stable political
system in which external policies are often linked to issues of domestic legitimacy.
Frequent ministerial reshuffles continue to characterize the Libyan system of
government, but changes to the government line-up seldom herald a substantive
shift in the domestic political environment. On the contrary, they serve to under-
score the continuing stability of the power balance in Libya and the dominant posi-
tion of Qaddafi. Despite occasional signs of public discontent over issues like
official corruption or the uneven distribution of resources, the vast majority of
Libyans remain either generally supportive of Qaddafi or politically apathetic.
See also: 
Chad; Shari’a.
G O V E R N M E N T S   O F   T H E   W O R L D
101
L i b y a
DELEGATES FROM SUDAN GATHER IN TRIPOLI, LIBYA TO MEET WITH LIBYAN RULER MUAMMAR AL-QADDAFI, WHO LEADS THEM IN PRAYER ON
MAY 9, 2005.
Socialist Libyan leader Muammar al-Qaddafi began his rule that has been marked with rabid Islamic nationalism and the
institution of Jamahiriya (“state of the masses”) along with his vilification of the West and backing of extremist terrorist groups.
(SOURCE: AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS)
fundamentalism: a philosophy marked by an
extreme and literal interpretation of religious
texts and an inability to compromise on doc-
trine or policy
■ ■ ■  

B I B L I O G R A P H Y
Amnesty International. “Libya.” Amnesty International Report 2004. New York: Amnesty
International, 2004. 
Ͻhttp://web.amnesty.org/report2004/lby-summary-engϾ.
Ben-Halim, Mustafa Ahmed. Libya: The Years of Hope. London: AAS Media Publishers, 1998.
El-Kikhia, Mansour O. Libya’s Qaddafi: The Politics of Contradiction. Gainesville:
University Press of Florida, 1997.
“Libya.” CIA World Factbook. Washington, DC: Central Intelligence Agency, 2004.
Ͻhttp://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/ly.htmlϾ.
Mezran, Karim. “Libya.” In Legal Systems of the World: A Political, Cultural, and Social
Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, ed. Herbert M. Kritzer. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC CLIO, 2001.
Obeidi, Amal. Political Culture in Libya. Richmond, UK: Curzon Press, 2001.
Qaddafi, Muammar. Escape to Hell and Other Stories. New York: Stanké, 1998.
St John, Ronald Bruce. Historical Dictionary of Libya, 3rd ed. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow
Press, 1998.
St John, Ronald Bruce. Libya and the United States: Two Centuries of Strife. Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002.
St John, Ronald Bruce. “Round Up the Usual Suspects: Prospects for Regime Change in
Libya.” Journal of Libyan Studies 4, no. 1 (2003):5–21.
St John, Ronald Bruce. “Revolutionary Command Council.” In Encyclopedia of the
Modern Middle East & North Africa, 2d edition, Vol. 3, ed. Philip Mattar. Detroit, MI:
Macmillan Reference, 2004.
U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. “Libya.”
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2003. Washington, DC: U.S.
Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, 2003.
Ͻhttp://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2003/27933.htmϾ.
Vandewalle, Dirk. Libya since Independence: Oil and State-Building. Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 1998.
Ronald Bruce St John
Liechtenstein
See
European Microstates.
Lithuania
The Republic of Lithuania, with a population of 3.5 million, is situated on
the Baltic Sea. It has borders with Latvia, Belarus, Poland, and Russia. Maritime
border issues continue to be a source of contention with Latvia.
Lithuania first organized as an independent state in the 1230s. By 1795
most of Lithuania had been incorporated into Russia. Attempts to restore
a Lithuanian state (1794, 1830–31, and 1863) resulted in stricter Russian
control.
After German occupation in World War I (1914–1918), Lithuania declared
independence on February 16, 1918. Lithuanian independence continued until
1940, when the country was occupied by Russian troops after the Hitler-Stalin
pact of 1939 and declared a constituent republic of the Union of Soviet Socialist
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L i e c h t e n s t e i n

Republics (USSR). A proclamation of independence was reissued in 1990. The
USSR demanded a repeal of the decree and attempted to overthrow the new
Cabinet of Ministers in 1991 but failed.
A new constitution was 
ratified
on October 25, 1992. The constitution is
built on the foundation of the Lithuanian codes of law from the late sixteenth
century and splits authority in Lithuania between the legislative, executive, and
judicial branches of government. The split of authority provides a system of
checks and balances for the branches. Lithuanians exercise supreme power
either directly or through representation by elected officials as stated in the con-
stitution. Any Lithuanian eighteen and older may vote in elections.
The legislative branch of government consists of the Seimas, or parliament.
The Seimas is composed of 141 members who are elected to a four-year term on
the basis of universal, equal, and direct voting by secret ballot. The Seimas enacts
laws, announces presidential elections, approves presidential appointments,
debates state issues, supervises government programs, appoints judges to the
court system, and creates and abolishes government programs as necessary,
among other tasks.
The president heads the executive branch of government. Lithuanians elect
the president in free, direct, secret ballot elections. The president’s primary
roles include all matters related to foreign policy, the appointments of the prime
minister and Cabinet of Ministers, and the signing of international treaties. The
government of the republic is headed by the prime minister and the Cabinet of
Ministers. Their duties include organizing the administration of the ministries,
administering the affairs of the country, protecting the territory of the Republic
of Lithuania, and ensuring state security and public order. The Seimas approves
G O V E R N M E N T S   O F   T H E   W O R L D
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