Guide to Citizens’ Rights and Responsibilities

G O V E R N M E N T S   O F   T H E   W O R L D
M e x i c o
hierarchy: a group of people ranked according
to some quality, for example, social standing
N E O - L I B E R A L   E C O N O M I C   P O L I C I E S
Neo-liberal economic theory is rooted in a classical politi-
cal economy, which asserts that only a free market without
government intervention can allocate resources efficiently and
rationally, and that this is the best way for countries to achieve
macroeconomic health and stability. The three most common
types of neo-liberal economic policies are stabilization, struc-
tural adjustment, and free trade. Stabilization refers to the
act of reducing inflation by freezing wages, reducing govern-
ment spending, devaluing the national currency, and other-
wise tightening money supply. Structural adjustment is the
process of reducing the government’s role in the economy by
privatizing state-owned companies and allowing the private
market to allocate the nation’s resources. Adopting free trade
policies requires countries to reduce trade, such as tariffs,
subsidies, and regulations, so that foreign products are more
affordable on the domestic market. During the 1980s and
1990s, the United States and international lending institutions
like the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF)
were such strong advocates of these policies that they became
known as the “Washington Consensus.”
■ ■ ■
centralize: to move control or power to a
single point of authority
■ ■ ■  

was always reelected. In the event that cooptation or fraud failed to produce the
desired outcome, the government was also willing to use threats, harassment,
and force to intimidate detractors. The result was that the PRI successfully con-
trolled nearly all aspects of the political arena, from interest representation and
elections to resource allocation and access to positions of power. No wonder it
was called by some “the perfect dictatorship.”
Gradually, the PRI’s authoritarian nature and abuses of power began to chip
away at the party’s popularity and legitimacy. In 1968 the regime showed its
ruthlessness when it used excessive force to put down public demonstrations in
Mexico City. The most notorious event was the massacre of several hundred
unarmed demonstrators in the Plaza of Tlaltelolco at the hands of the army and
government 
paramilitary
squads. In addition, Mexicans became increasingly fed
up with the party’s use of fraud to ensure victory in electoral contests and PRI
politicians’ penchant for tolerating and even benefiting from widespread
corruption. Another blow to the PRI was the severe economic crisis that hit
Mexico in 1982. A decade of stagnant economic growth and overborrowing led
Mexico to default on its foreign debt and jeopardized the country’s economic
stability. As part of the rescue effort orchestrated by the international financial
community, the government was forced to adopt a set of neo-liberal 
macroeco-
nomic
policies that severely limited government spending on public programs
and services. These policies hit Mexicans, especially those from the middle and
lower classes, extremely hard. Furthermore, they hampered the PRI’s ability to
deliver resources (jobs, wage increases, food subsidies, etc.) to its supporters
and further damaged their legitimacy.
These events created an opportunity for the opposition to mount more
serious challenges to the PRI and prompted Mexicans to consider their alter-
natives. By the late 1980s the PRI found it increasingly difficult to hold onto
power. At no time was this more apparent than in the 1988 presidential elec-
tion. The PRI candidate Carlos Salinas de Gortari (b. 1948) faced two formi-
dable challengers. From the left he was challenged by Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas
Solorzano (b. 1934), a former member of the PRI and founder of what would
become the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD). From the right Salinas
faced Manuel Clouthier (1934–1989) from the socially and fiscally conserva-
tive National Action Party (PAN). Salinas claimed victory, even though it was
widely known that the PRI blatantly used electoral fraud to help its chances.
Upon taking office, Salinas quickly showed himself to be a shrewd and charis-
matic politician who recaptured support for the PRI by simultaneously
deepening Mexico’s commitment to neo-liberal economic policies, especially
with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and reaching out to
the poor and underprivileged communities that had suffered during Mexico’s
economic crisis.
The PRI managed to stay in power in the 1994 election, but shortly after the
presidential inauguration, another serious economic crisis hit Mexico. This time
the government was forced to devalue the national currency and Mexicans saw
their purchasing power cut nearly in half over a two-week period. The political
fallout severely damaged the PRI. In the 1997 congressional elections the party
lost its majority in the Chamber of Deputies and for the first time Congress had
the authority to check the power of the president. The dominance of the PRI
continued to decline when Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon (b. 1951) broke with
the tradition of his predecessors and refused to either designate his successor
or to use electoral fraud to reelect his party. This created an opening for the
popular and charismatic PAN candidate, Vicente Fox (b. 1942), to win the 2000
election. For the first time in over seventy years, a party other than the PRI ruled
G O V E R N M E N T S   O F   T H E   W O R L D
141
M e x i c o
paramilitary: modeled after a military, espe-
cially as a possible supplement to the military
macroeconomics: a study of economics in
terms of whole systems, especially with refer-
ence to general levels of output and income
and to the interrelations among sectors of the
economy
■ ■ ■  

Mexico, and many observers believed that the country had finally established
itself as a democracy.
M E X I C O   I N   T H E   T W E N T Y- F I R S T   C E N T U R Y
At the beginning of the twenty-first century Mexico was still a relative new-
comer to democracy, and some important challenges to political stability remain
ahead. Institutional obstacles, such as the prohibition on re-election and short
term limits (three years for members of the Chamber of Deputies), make it dif-
ficult for politicians to develop meaningful experience and govern effectively in
the interests of their 
constituents
. In the economic realm, the Mexican govern-
ment must pay attention to deepening poverty and the growing disparities
between rich and poor. In 2003 more than half of all Mexicans lived at or below
the poverty line. Furthermore, the poorest 10 percent of the population earned
only 2 percent of the nation’s resources, whereas the richest 10 percent earned
41 percent of the nation’s income. Failure to address these issues has the poten-
tial to threaten the country’s transition to democracy and long-term political
stability, as people lose faith in the government to provide job opportunities,
living wages, and access to basic public services.
Another important challenge is to continue the task of creating a free
society. Although administrations in the late twentieth and early twenty-first
centuries helped to provide greater transparency of government activities with
a freedom of information act and the establishment of a human rights unit with-
in the Ministry of the Interior, the fact remains that Mexico ranks among the
world’s more corrupt countries and one in which human rights violations
are still prevalent. 
Arbitrary
detention, “disappearance,” torture, and 
extrajudi-
cial
executions are common, especially among indigenous and human rights
activists. More must be done to strengthen and reform the judiciary and the
police forces in order to reduce such abuses of power and guarantee the basic
rights of Mexican citizens. Nevertheless, the progress that Mexico has made in
this regard is indicated by its 2003 Freedom House rating: It is listed as one of
the world’s eighty-nine free countries and received a score of 2 (on a scale of
1 to 7, where 1 is best) on political rights and civil rights and liberties. As late as
2000 Freedom House had rated Mexico as only “partly free,” giving it middling
scores of 3 or 4.
Mexico has a way to go before it will be universally considered a full-fledged
democracy, but its future is hopeful; few countries have made such great strides
toward democracy in such a short space of time. With the help of the independ-
ent,
nonpartisan
Federal Electoral Institute, elections have become free and fair
rather than plagued by the myriad forms of fraud that were common in the past.
Important electoral victories by the PAN and PRD have put an end to the PRI’s
dominance. No single party can rule without consulting or negotiating with the
others, and the legislature and judiciary have begun to function as independent
bodies that check and balance the executive’s power. Equally important, Mexicans
are increasingly convinced that their votes matter and that they can use their
voting power to hold politicians accountable for their performance in office. Voter
turnout has been consistently high in national elections since the early 1990s, and
Mexican citizens are politically active in other ways (e.g., labor unions, civic and
community organizations, social movements, and neighborhood associations).
Moreover, the Mexican economy continues to grow stronger, and the country is
more competitive on the international market than ever before.
See also: 
Federalism; Political Corruption; Presidential Systems; Voting
Rights.
142
G O V E R N M E N T S   O F   T H E   W O R L D
M e x i c o
arbitrary: capricious, random, or changing
without notice
extrajudicial: outside the legal system; lacking
the legitimating authority of the government
nonpartisan: not relating to a political party or
any division associated with the party system
constituency: the people who either elect or
are represented by an elected official
■ ■ ■  

B I B L I O G R A P H Y
Aguilar Camín, Héctor, and Lorenzo Meyer. In the Shadow of the Mexican Revolution:
Contemporary Mexican History, 1910–1989. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1993.
Amnesty International. Human Rights Information by Country and Region.
Ͻhttp://web.amnesty.org/Ͼ.
Camp, Roderic. Politics in Mexico: The Democratic Transformation, 4th ed. New York:
Oxford University Press, 2003.
Cockcroft, James. Mexico: Class Formation, Capital Accumulation and the State, 2nd
ed. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1990.
“Mexico.” CIA World Factbook. Washington, DC: Central Intelligence Agency, 2004. 
Ͻhttp://
www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/mx.html
Ͼ.
National Institute for Geographic and Economic Information. Statistical Information:
Mexico (in Spanish). 
Ͻhttp://www.inegi.gob.mx/Ͼ.
Riding, Alan. Distant Neighbors: A Portrait of the Mexicans. New York: Vintage Books, 1984.
Skidmore, Thomas, and Peter Smith. Modern Latin America, 5th ed. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2001.
Transparency International. Global Corruption Report.
Ͻhttp://www.globalcorrup-
tionreport.org/
Ͼ.
Vanden, Harry, and Gary Prevost. Politics of Latin America: The Power Game. New York:
Oxford University Press, 2002.
Vilas, Carlos. “Neo-liberalism in Central America.” In Repression, Resistance, and
Democratic Transition in Central America, ed. Thomas Walker and Ariel Armony.
Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 2000.
Emily Edmonds-Poli 
Micronesia, Federated States of
The Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) is a nation-state composed
entirely of small islands lying just north of the equator, and extending across the
Pacific Ocean for 1,000 miles midway between Hawaii and the Philippines. The
islands are grouped into four states: Yap, Chuuk (Truk), Pohnpei (Ponape), and
Kosrae (Kusaie). The population of approximately 110,000 speaks what are for
the most part closely related Micronesian and Polynesian languages. All the
states except Kosrae include both larger volcanic islands, which serve as popu-
lation and administrative centers, and smaller coral atolls.
The islands were originally settled about two thousand years ago by voyagers
traveling from eastern Melanesia (now the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu); their ear-
liest ancestors were Southeast Asian in origin. The islands traded extensively with
whalers and were Christianized by American missionaries in the mid-nineteenth
century; claimed by the Spanish, although not occupied by them until the 1880s;
sold to Germany in 1899; seized by the Japanese in 1914 and ruled as a League of
Nations Mandate; then occupied by the United States at the close of World War II
(1945) and administered as a United Nations (UN) Trusteeship.
Following prolonged negotiations, the FSM became self-governing in
1979, entered into a relationship of “free association” with the United States
in 1986, and joined the UN in 1991.
The Constitution of the FSM was drafted at a constitutional convention in
1975 and is modeled on that of the United States, with largely autonomous
G O V E R N M E N T S   O F   T H E   W O R L D
143
M i c r o n e s i a ,   F e d e r a t e d   S t a t e s   o f

legislative, executive, and judicial branches. There is universal adult suffrage.
The FSM Congress is unicameral, but has two kinds of members. Each state is
represented by one four-year senator, while the number of two-year senators
for each state is apportioned according to that state’s population statistics.
Congress elects a president from among its four four-year members; according
to an informal agreement the presidency rotates among all four states. Although
the executive branch is nominally independent of the legislative, the fact that
the president is not popularly elected gives the Congress disproportionate influ-
ence over national affairs. Subsequent constitutional conventions in 1990 and
2001 attempted to revise this formula but arrived at no broadly acceptable alter-
native. The president appoints, with congressional approval, the justices of the
Supreme Court, who serve for life. State and local governments are largely mod-
eled on the national government.
The are no political parties in the FSM. Political fault lines lie instead between
the states; the state congressional 
delegations
effectively function as 
caucuses
and
tend to vote en bloc (as a whole). Because the population of the Chuuk state
constitutes virtually half that of the national total and its delegation is proportion-
ately large, the state wields enormous influence in Congress. The other states tend
to find this objectionable, but no acceptable alternative has been arrived at.
The Constitution of the FSM permits creation of a national “Chamber of
Chiefs,” but the federal government has never established it. Micronesia’s chiefs
remain vital to the organization of everyday life in the islands and they are held
in the highest regard by their peoples. Their 
jurisdiction
is limited in scope—
they reign over relatively small areas and populations—and their authority is
entirely informal. Foreign visitors are often told that the chiefs wield enormous
power in their communities, but their actual influence is largely a product of
their individual personalities and political skills. They have no official means
of enforcing 
sanctions
. It appears that resistance to the establishment of a
Chamber of Chiefs derives primarily from a fear that the overwhelming political
144
G O V E R N M E N T S   O F   T H E   W O R L D
M i c r o n e s i a ,   F e d e r a t e d   S t a t e s   o f
Gagil-Tomil
265 ft.
81 m.
Totolom
2,595 ft.
791 m.
Mount
Crozer
2,063 ft.
629 m.
Kiti
Point
Point Lesson
Cape
Halgan
Cape Tupinier
MARSHALL
ISLANDS
YAP IS.
CHUUK
POHNPEI
KOSRAE
YAP
FAICHUK
NOMONEAS
POHNPEI
KOSRAE
Yap
Ngulu
Eauripik
Woleai
Faraulep
West Fayu
Namonuito
Kuop
Namoluk
Etal
Mokil
Pakin
Ant
Nukuoro
Oroluk
Minto Reef
Ngatik
Pingelap
Kosrae
Ujelang
Bikini
Enewetok
Kapingamarangi
Satawn
Fayu
Elato
Olimarao
Gaferut
Pikelot
Satawal
Pulusuk
Puluwat
Murito
Nomwin
Magur Is.
Hall Is.
Mortlok Is.
Truk Is.
Lukunor
Pohnpei
Lamotrek
Ulithi
Fais
Sorol
Ifalik
Rumung
Tol
Udot
Siis
Fanapanges
Tanoas
Pasa
Ant Atoll
Pisemew
Umah
Wisas
Langar
Nanmatol
Na
Lele
Tapak
Mant Is.
Meseong
Neoch
Fanew
Fanan
Fefen
Eot
Onnang
Fanasich
Winipiru
WENO
Fanemoch
Moch
Etten
Ruo
Sopweru
Anengenipuan
Piis-Panewu
Map
C A R O L I N E I S L
A N D S
Chuuk
Lagoon
NORTH
PACIFIC OCEAN
SOUTH
PACIFIC OCEAN
Tauak
Passage
Palikir
Palikir
Colonia
Gatjapar
Weno
Ronkiti
Tafonsak
Lot
Pok
Berard
Utwa
Malam
Insiaf
Moen
Kosrae
Omin
Tomil
Tabunifi
Gorror
Colonia
Okau
W
S
N
E
FEDERATED STATES
OF MICRONESIA
400 Miles
0
0
400 Kilometers
100 200 300
100
200
300
0
0
10 Kilometers
5
5
10 Miles
0
0
10 Kilometers
5
5
10 Miles
0
0
10 Kilometers
5
5
10 Miles
0
0
5 Kilometers
5 Miles
YAP ISLANDS
CHUUK ISLANDS
POHNPEI
KOSRAE
delegate: to assign power to another, or, one
who represents another
caucus: a group of individuals with common
traits or goals, or a meeting of such a group
■ ■ ■  
jurisdiction: the territory or area within
which authority may be exercised
sanction: economic, political, or military
reprisals, or, to ratify
(MAP BY MARYLAND CARTOGRAPHICS/ THE GALE GROUP)

strength of the FSM Congress would be likely to undermine the chiefs’ cultural
authority if they were to be incorporated into the national government.
The FSM’s economy is almost entirely dependent on American aid, nearly
all of which is channeled through the national government. Despite the coun-
try’s formal structuring as a federation, then, the national government’s control
of finances makes it vastly more powerful than the states. Competition for finan-
cial resources drives most rivalries between the states. Although local tensions
are often portrayed as ethnic in origin, they derive for the most part from polit-
ical and economic competition. And because government at all levels, national,
state, and local, is overwhelmingly the largest employer, efforts to streamline
bureaucracy and reorganize the political economy have been met with strong
resistance. Starting in 2000 large-scale 
emigration
to the United States began to
reduce unemployment issues. Because of American financial support, the FSM
remains peaceful, but currents of potential cleavage nevertheless lie below the
surface.
See also:
Federalism.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y
Meller, Norman. Constitutionalism in Micronesia. Laie, Federated States of Micronesia:
Institute for Polynesian Studies, 1985.
Petersen, Glenn. “Calm Before the Storm?: The 1990 Federated States of Micronesia
Constitutional Convention.” The Contemporary Pacific 6, no. 2 (1994):337–369.
Petersen, Glenn. “A Micronesian Chamber of Chiefs?” In Chiefs Today, ed. G. White and
L. Lindstrom. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997.
Glenn Petersen
Moldova
The second smallest of the former members of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics (USSR), Moldova is a landlocked country measuring 33,843 square
kilometers (13,063 square miles). In 2004 the country had an estimated popula-
tion of almost 4.5 million people. Moldova’s neighbors include Ukraine to the
north, northeast, and east and Romania to the west. The country was part
of Romania prior to the USSR, which it joined after World War II (1939–1945),
and ethnic Moldovans are generally recognized as descended from the same
peoples as ethnic Romanians. Almost 65 percent of the country’s population is
ethnic Moldovan, and ethnic Russians and Ukrainians each comprise about
13 percent of the population. Many citizens still closely identify with Romanian
language and culture. The people of Moldova are overwhelmingly Eastern
Orthodox, which is practiced by 98 percent of the population.
Along with other former Soviet Republics, Moldova declared independence
from the USSR in 1991. Immediately people in the geographic region known as
Transnistria declared an independent republic as well, due to political disagree-
ments based on ethnic tension. The ethnic Russian and Ukrainian citizens of the
region faced concerns over a political effort advocating re-unification with
Romania. The Transnistria region is separated from the rest of Moldova not only
by this ethnic dispute but also by natural geography, which has resulted in a lit-
eral and political divide from the rest of the country. Transnistria was the cause