History of Civilizations of Central Asia
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Contents MONGOLIA FROM THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY TO 1919 . . . . . . . . . . . 337
The rise of the Qing empire and the dissolution of the world of Central Eurasia . . .
337 Qing rule over the Mongols: organization and institutions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339
Mongol society in decline (from the mid-nineteenth century) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341 Mongolia in Russo-Qing relations (from the eighteenth to the early twentieth century) 343 Mongolia during the final years of the Qing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345
The 1911 Mongol declaration of independence and international relations . . . . . . 348 THE MONGOLIAN PEOPLE’s REVOLUTION OF 1921 AND THE MONGOLIAN PEOPLE’s REPUBLIC (1924–46) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 353 The birth of the People’s Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 353
The suppression of Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 356 Soviet purges in Mongolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 358
The MPR during the Second World War . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 359 THE MONGOLIAN PEOPLE’s REPUBLIC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 361
On the path to democratization and the free market . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 366 *
3 . 336 Contents ISBN 92-3-103985-7 The rise of the Qing empire and the dissolution Part One 1 MONGOLIA FROM THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY TO 1919 (T. Nakami) The rise of the Qing empire and the dissolution of the world of Central Eurasia In the second half of the sixteenth century Nurhachi, the leader of a tribe of the Tungu- sic Jurchens (or Jushens) in present-day north-eastern China, extended his power and in 1588 formed a state called the ‘Manju’ (Manju gurun); in 1616 he unified all the Jurchens. He then advanced into the Liaodong plain and also brought under his control the Mon- gol groups living to the east of the Hsingan mountains. Nurhachi’s successor Hong Taiji launched a military campaign in 1632, attacking the Chahars (Caqars), direct descendants of the imperial family of the Mongol-Yuan dynasty, and placed Inner Mongolia under his rule. On this occasion the state seal of the emperors of the Mongol-Yuan dynasty, which had been passed down to the leader of the Chahars, is said to have come into the posses- sion of Hong Taiji. This was of symbolic significance, for it meant that the khanate of the Mongol empire – that is, the right to rule over China and Central Eurasia – had been trans- ferred from the descendants of the Mongol Chinggis Khan to the Manchu Hong Taiji. Then in 1636 Hong Taiji was installed as emperor by the Manchus, Mongols and Han Chinese under his dominion, resulting in the establishment of the Qing empire, which in its early stages represented a union of these three ethnic groups. The Qing forces stepped up their military offensive, first bringing the Korean penin- sula under their control and then attacking China proper. During the reign of Hong Taiji’s successor Shunzhi (1643–61), the Qing took advantage of the confusion into which the Ming dynasty had been thrown and extended their rule to cover all of China, moving their 1 For the latest research trends and newly discovered historical sources on the modern history of the Mongols, see Nakami, 1999a , pp. 7–39. 337
Contents Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 The rise of the Qing empire and the dissolution capital from Mukden (Shenyang) to Beijing as they did so. The next emperor, Kangxi, consolidated the domestic rule of the Qing regime and also held back Russia, which was aiming to advance along the valley of the Amur river (Heilongjiang). In 1689 the Nerchinsk treaty was concluded between the Qing and Russia. Around the same time, the Qing intervened in a dispute among the Outer Mongolian nobles. Then the Kangxi emperor himself assumed personal command of a campaign against Galdan of the Dzungars, who had invaded Outer Mongolia. Galdan’s troops were routed in 1696, and this incident pro- vided the occasion for the incorporation of Outer Mongolia into the territories of the Qing dynasty. Under the Yongzheng emperor, Kangxi’s successor, efforts were made to consolidate the emperor’s power and reform the political structure. The enormous apparatus of rule by the absolute autocracy of an emperor supported by the machinery of an administrative bureaucracy was set in motion. Yongzheng extended his rule over Qinghai (KÖke nighur) and Tibet, as well as strengthening his rule in the non-Han regions of south-western China, and the border with Russia in the Mongol regions was demarcated by the Kiakhta treaty. The Qing’s territorial expansion culminated during the reign of Yongzheng’s successor Qianlong, resulting in an enormous empire of unrivalled size. By the mideighteenth century the Qianlong emperor had succeeded in crushing the Dzungars, until then the greatest counterforce to the Qing in the north, thereby placing East Turkistan and the oases to the south of the Tian Shan (Tianshan) mountains under his control and extending his influence to present-day South-East Asia, Nepal and the countries of Central Asia. This period, from the seventeenth to the eighteenth century, saw the rise of what might be called ‘regional world empires’ throughout the Eurasian continent. These included the Ottoman dynasty in the Middle East, the Mughal dynasty in India, the Romanov dynasty in Russia, and the Habsburg dynasty in Central Europe. At the same time, under the mer- cantilism of Great Britain, the East India Company began its advance into Asia. The emer- gence of the enormous Qing empire in East Asia can also be situated within this worldwide movement. What influence did it have on Central Eurasia? Until this time, Central Eurasia had been the artery linking the East and the West, with oasis towns dotted along its length. Behind it lay a vast nomadic region, and it was along this artery that contact and trade between East and West had been maintained. The Mon- gol empire of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries had arisen from this arena in Central Eurasia; it had been in part the consequence of a demand for the management of this arterial route to come under unified control. The establishment of this world empire had, moreover, been made possible by the outstanding military strength of its nomadic cavalry. The Manchus, on the other hand, who appeared on the stage of history in the late sixteenth 338 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 Qing rule over the Mongols century, emerged from the easternmost extremity of Central Eurasia, and opinion is divided as to whether, historically speaking, they can be regarded as Central Eurasians. But when one considers the process behind the expansion of their power, it is clear that their estab- lishment of a regional world empire was made possible only through their assimilation of the military strength of the Mongol horsemen. It might be noted that the Mughal dynasty, the founding of which predated that of the Qing by some 100 years, also had its origins in Central Asia. Although during the course of the growth into a regional world empire the Qing grad- ually brought Mongolia, Tibet and East Turkistan under their control, their goal was not to unify Central Eurasia, as Chinggis Khan and his successors had done, but to establish an empire holding sway over the regional world of East Asia. Consequently, through the incorporation of these regions into the territory of the Qing, the eastern half of Central Eurasia took on the character of a peripheral part of an East Asian world empire. Fur- thermore, the conclusion of the treaties of Nerchinsk and Kiakhta and the demarcation of a ‘frontier’ with Russia, the newly emerging empire to the north (which was in real- ity an absolute monarchic autocracy like the Qing), clearly showed that Central Eurasia was a peripheral region lying between two regional world empires, and during the nine- teenth century this state of affairs became even more apparent. In former times, powerful nomadic cavalries had appeared as a force for the overthrow and reform of the historical status quo. But even during the period before the adoption of the name ‘Qing’, when the dynasty had been called the ‘Latter Jin’ (Amaga Aisin Gurun/Hou Jin), Qing troops had used Portuguese muskets when fighting the Ming army, and in their life-or-death struggle with the Dzungars too considerable use had been made of firearms, thus indicating that the mounted troops had entered their twilight years as a military force. Meanwhile, the historical significance of the Mongols’ submission to the Qing lay in the fact that they lost their political sovereignty and independence for the first time since they had emerged as a group in the thirteenth century. Furthermore, the majority of Mongols were confined to the Qing side of the ‘frontier’ established by the treaties of Nerchinsk and Kiakhta and so had their sphere of activity delimited by this ‘frontier’. Qing rule over the Mongols: organization and institutions The Qing empire (mid-eighteenth century to 1911), headed by the Manchu emperor, is said to have been ‘the last empire of the Middle Kingdom’. It is true that it inherited the system of rule employed by traditional Chinese dynasties, but in keeping with the differing 339 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 Qing rule over the Mongols circumstances of its far-ranging territories its mode of rule was not uniform but multi- layered. According to the logic of the Qing dynasty, the authority of the Qing emperor extended to every part of the world, and even in relations with states and regions outside his domains there existed no notion of ‘diplomacy’ or ‘international relations’ in any mod- ern sense. As if to envelop China proper and north- eastern China, the birthplace of the Manchus, which were both under the dynasty’s direct control, there stretched to the south- east the ‘south-eastern crescent zone’ of tributary states such as Korea, the Ryukyus and Vietnam, belonging to a cultural sphere characterized by Confucianism and agriculture, while to the north-west there existed the ‘north-western crescent zone’ of Mongolia, East Turkistan and Tibet, which were subject to more direct rule by the Qing and formed a non- Confucian and nomadic cultural sphere. Together these constituted the regional world of East Asia, made up of dissimilar cultural spheres. 2 In the Qing’s relations with the tributary states that shared a Confucian culture, order was indicated in relations between the ‘emperor’ of the Middle Kingdom and their respec- tive ‘kings’. With respect to Mongolia and Tibet, however, which belonged to the cultural sphere of Tibetan Buddhism, the existence of the emperor was explained as an incarnation of the Bodhisattva Manjushri. In addition, relations between Tibet and the Qing emperor were likened to the relationship between the Buddhist church and a patron, while relations with Mongolia were deemed to be those of a lord–vassal relationship between the Manchu emperor, who had inherited imperial authority going back to Chinggis Khan, and the Mon- gol nobles. It could be said that, by making skilful use of each ‘culture’, the Qing created different fictions to prove the legitimacy of their rule. The basic unit in the structure of Mongol society under Qing rule was the ‘banner’ (qosigun or qosighun), each of which constituted a sort of petty kingdom with a high degree of autonomy and was ruled by a jasagh (chief official). Over and above the banners there existed ‘leagues’ (chigulgan or cighulghan), with the league chiefs being appointed by the Qing from among the jasaghs belonging to each league, and matters falling out- side the jurisdiction of banners were dealt with at a triennial assembly of the jasaghs belonging to the league. Each banner was composed of a number of sumus, with 1 sumu consisting of about 150 households. An examination of the organization of Mongols into banners by the Qing reveals that while in Inner Mongolia it was fairly strictly enforced as a precaution against the reunification of the Mongols, more lenient measures were ini- tially adopted towards Outer Mongolia, which had submitted to the Qing as a result of the above-mentioned incursions by Galdan. But by establishing the boundaries of banners, and thus the extent of their pastures, and by limiting the number of banner troops and 2 Mancall,
1968 , pp. 63–89. 340 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 Mongol society in decline seizing control of the personnel attached to the Mongol nobles, Qing authority slowly but steadily penetrated among the Mongols. Since ancient times political power on the Mongo- lian plateau had been exercised through the demarcation of pastures and the organization of armed corps, and changes in power had also taken place through competition within Mongol society. But under the supervision of the Qing, Mongol society was divided into banners, which became fixed, thus eliminating any possibility of change from within. The Qing government agency responsible for the non-Chinese border areas of Mongo- lia, Tibet and so on was the Court of Colonial Affairs (Lifanyuan). Ministers and officers sent by the central government were stationed in important centres in Outer Mongolia such as Uriyasutai, Khovd (Qobdu) and Urga (Khüriy-e, today’s Ulaanbaatar), where they oversaw the Mongol banners under their command. As for the legal system, 3 the nomadic societies of Central Eurasia had originally had their own systems of law, but in 1643, not long after the Qing had brought Inner Mongolia under their control, the Menggu lüshu, based on Mongol customary law, was promulgated. Eventually, after the enactment of a legal code for China proper (Da Qing lüli), a special code for Mongolia (Menggu lüli) was drawn up. The codification of customary law also took place in Outer Mongolia with the formulation of the Qalq-a jirum, but later the Lifanyuan zeli was promulgated in 1816, absorbing existing laws and also completing the systemization of Mongol indigenous law under Qing guidance. It was noted above that the Mongol nobles were bound to the Qing emperor by a lord–vassal relationship, and the more powerful among them entered into matrimonial rela- tionships by marrying women from the Qing imperial clan. There also existed a system, similar to that of ‘alternate attendance’ (sankin kotai) by daimyos in Edo Japan, whereby Mongol nobles were required to reside in Beijing at regular intervals. It was through chan- nels such as these that the court culture of Beijing and information from the capital spread among the Mongol nobility. Mongol society in decline (from the mid-nineteenth century) Initially the aim of Qing rule in Mongolia had been to preserve Mongolia’s traditional pastoral society by allowing as little contact as possible with Han Chinese society and to mobilize its armed forces in times of emergency as allies of the Manchu emperor. But while Mongol nomadic society and Chinese agrarian society moved from their earlier 3 For the legal system in Mongolia under the Qing’s rule, see Shimada, 1982; Shimada,
1992; Hagiwara, 1993 , pp. 623–56. 341 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 Mongol society in decline relationship of confrontation and tension to one of reconciliation as they came under Qing rule, eventually Chinese influences, going beyond the intentions of the Qing, began to advance across the Mongolian plateau. When compared with Chinese agrarian society, the structure of Mongolia’s nomadic society was not geared to the amassing of wealth or the accumulation of surpluses; moreover, the business category of ‘commerce’ was itself vir- tually non-existent in Mongol society. At first, the Qing administration tried to regulate the activities of Chinese merchants on the Mongolian plateau by imposing various restric- tions, but the influence of these merchants gradually made itself felt in Mongol society. Through an external force in the form of Chinese merchants, a commercial network was formed in Mongolia for the first time. Mongol products were taken to the outside world as commodities via the networks of Chinese merchants, while large quantities of consumer goods were also brought to Mongolia by the same Chinese merchants. In this fashion, Chi- nese merchants (known as ‘Inland Chinese’) seized control of Mongolia’s economy, and all Mongols, from the nobility down to ordinary herdsmen, suffered under their exploitation. Chinese merchants in Mongolia were broadly divided into the jingbang based in Beijing and the xibang, who were chiefly from Shanxi. Some of them conducted their business activities by setting up shops, while others travelled among the nomads as itinerant traders. The Qing regime stationed officials and troops at strategic places in Mongolia, and these localities inevitably became centres for the collection and distribution of goods, resulting in the creation of markets and settlements. Under the patronage of the Qing, the Buddhist church also extended its influence, and the increase in the number of monks led to a decline in the population of effective producers. The enormous monasteries were in themselves centres of great consumption, and market places for pilgrims sprang up in their vicinity, becoming places of barter and social intercourse. In this manner there emerged on the Mongolian plateau urban settlements centred on government offices and monasteries and located at strategic points in the transport network, becoming nodes for the movement of people, information and goods. Within the Mongolian plateau, a still more serious situation was developing to the south of the Gobi desert in Inner Mongolia, in the region near the Great Wall line bordering the Chinese agricultural zone. Farming had originally been carried out in parts of Inner Mongolia, but the stabilization of Qing society resulted in a rapid rise in the population of China proper, and this excess population crossed the Great Wall line and flooded into Inner Mongolia, settling in the Mongol pastures. The opening up of Mongol pastures ini- tially began with the recruiting of Chinese peasants by Mongol nobles, but the cultivation of the impoverished soil of the Mongol pastures inevitably led to the degradation of the land. There was no halt to Chinese migration, however, and the devastation of land and the 342 Contents
Copyrights ISBN 92-3-103985-7 Mongolia in Russo-Qing relations diminution of pastures advanced. In parts of Inner Mongolia bordering China proper, some banners became predominantly Chinese in their composition, and administrative agencies such as departments (zhous), prefectures (fus) and districts (xians) were established to gov- ern them, with these agencies taking the initiative in encouraging even more peasants to settle in these areas. In such regions the Mongol nobles became parasitic ‘feudal’ landown- ers, and the former Mongol nomads found themselves surrounded by Chinese peasants and forced to engage in unaccustomed farm work, while their debts to Chinese merchants also weighed heavily on them. Under such circumstances there were instances of ethnic conflict between Mongols and Chinese. In particular, the anti-Chinese uprisings that broke out throughout Inner Mongo- lia under the late Qing were in one respect an expression of resistance against the Mongol landlords who had encouraged the influx of Chinese peasants, as well as involving attacks on Chinese peasants and merchants. Under continuing Qing rule, any possibility of endoge- nous change on the Mongolian plateau, which had formerly been the sphere of nomadic horsemen, was institutionally curbed; and with the penetration of Chinese influence, social conditions changed and regressed. Mongolia in Russo-Qing relations (from the eighteenth to the early twentieth century) Mongolia was situated in the ‘north-western crescent zone’ of the Qing empire, but once the Russian empire began to promote the development of Siberia in earnest and to plan its advance into East Asia as well, shifts in power relations between the two empires came to have an enormous influence on the moves of the Mongols. Russia pushed its influence eastwards chiefly via the rivers of Siberia and had reached the Amur river valley by the mid-seventeenth century. This led to conflict with the Qing, and eventually the frontier with the Qing in the Amur region was determined with the conclusion of the Nerchinsk treaty in 1689, and Russian merchants were allowed to start trading in Beijing. The boundary between Outer Mongolia and Siberia was later established by the Kiakhta treaty, ratified in 1728, and with the signing of these two treaties relations between Russia and the Qing were stabilized. The Qing’s power was then at its height, and relations between the two empires were determined more or less in accordance with the Qing’s wishes. Trade between the two took place at the border town of Kiakhta and grew steadily from the late eighteenth century to the middle of the nineteenth century. Download 8.99 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: 
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