Language Typology and Syntactic Description, Volume I: Clause Structure, Second edition
particles with them. In (119b), for example, the subject cannot be a third person
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Lgg Typology, Synt Description v. I - Clause structure
particles with them. In (119b), for example, the subject cannot be a third person full np. It is possible that careful analysis of these constraints could provide grounds for individuating a specific imperative construction with a second per- son actor, but this work has not yet been done. So the imperatives (construed as a type of speech act) provide no evidence relevant to grammatical relations in Tagalog, not only because there is no evidence of syntactic restrictions on them, but furthermore due to the absence of even a prima facie case that there is a distinct imperative construction in the grammar. The final phenomenon is argument ellipsis in complement constructions (Schachter (1977:293)). Schachter argued that actors and only actors could be ellipsed, regardless of whether they were pivot: (120) a. Nag-atubili siya-ng h[um]iram ng pera sa banko ap -hesitate he(piv)-lnk [ap]-borrow obj money dir bank ‘He hesitated to borrow money from a/the bank’ b. Nag-atubili siya-ng hiram-in ang pera sa banko ap -hesitate he(piv)-lnk borrow-op piv money dir bank ‘He hesitated to borrow the money from the bank’ In (120a), the actor of hiram ‘borrow’ is pivot, as revealed by the ap morphology on the verb, and the absence of an overt ang-phrase in the complement. In (120b), the object is pivot, but the actor is still ellipsed. Therefore both pivot and non-pivot actors can be ellipsed. An object or other non-actor does not normally undergo ellipsis, even if it is the pivot: (121) a. Gusto ni Juan sun-in siya ng doktor want act John(link) examine-op he(piv) act doctor ‘John wants the doctor to examine him’ b. *Gusto ni Juan sun-in ng doktor want act John(link) examine-op act doctor Schachter (1977:295) The major functions of the noun phrase 209 Furthermore, ellipsis of actors is not restricted to true agents: non-agentive actors of various sorts may be ellipsed, even if they are not pivots: (122) a. Masagwa ang t[um]a-tanda disagreeable piv [ap]-imperf-become-old ‘It is disagreeable to become old’ b. Gusto niya-ng g[um]anda want he/she(act)-lnk [ap]-beautiful ‘She wants to become beautiful’ c. Gusto ko-ng t[um]anggap ng gantimpala want I(act)-lnk [ap]-receive obj prize ‘I want to be the recipient of the prize’ d. Gusto ko-ng ma-tanggap ang gantimpala want I(act)-lnk op-receive piv prize ‘I want to receive the prize’ (123) Ayaw ko-ng ma-matay sa Maynila not.want I(act)-lnk ap-die dir Manila ‘I don’t want to die in Manila’ On this evidence, the ellipsis process seems to target actors regardless of whether they are pivots or agents, providing an argument that actors bear a grammatical relation distinct from the pivot. Since this grammatical relation expresses a and s functions, it is a subject. Kroeger (1993) finds some issues with these generalizations, but nonetheless confirms that susceptibility to complement subject ellipsis is a genuine property of actors, regardless of whether or not they are pivots. And he develops another extremely important point by showing that the non-pivot actor and non-pivot object are core rather than oblique arguments. Kroeger (1993:40–8) presents three main arguments to the effect that in the non-ap forms, the actor does not become an adjunct or oblique argument, but remains a core argument. Here I will present one, the Participial Adjunct construction, which also shows that the object in the ap constructions is a core argument, and thus provides evidence against the antipassive analysis of actor- pivot constructions as well as the passive analysis of object-pivot constructions, and therefore shows that neither construction should be considered as ‘derived’ from the other. Download 1.59 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |
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