Language Typology and Syntactic Description, Volume I: Clause Structure, Second edition
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Lgg Typology, Synt Description v. I - Clause structure
William A. Foley
[ −oblique] argument of the derived intransitive verb. The verb occurs with the antipassive derivational suffix -n (antipass), marking this as a lexical derived intransitive verb. Parallel to the passive, the antipassive may be analysed as a lexical deriva- tional process that blocks the linking of the [ −a] argument to [−oblique] func- tion. In an asymmetrical ergative–absolutive pivot language like Mam, we have the following linkings for a normal transitive clause: (160) [ +a] [ −a] | | tzyu-‘grab’ <x, y > | | [ −oblique] [ −oblique] | | [ −pivot] [ +pivot] Antipassive blocks the linking of the [ −a] argument to [−oblique] and, there- fore, in an ergative–absolutive pivot language like Mam, to pivot status; by default the [ +a] argument now becomes pivot: (161) [ +a] [ −a] | | tzyuu-n ‘grab’-antipass <x, y > | | [ −oblique] [ +oblique] | [ +pivot] Unlike passives, which do not require the [ −a] argument to take up the gram- matical properties vacated by the [ +oblique] [+a] argument (e.g. Marathi, Ulcha), antipassive constructions always present the [ +a] argument as the prominent [ −oblique] np. This perhaps is due to the universal hierarchy of prominence, [ +a] > [−a] > [ ], in which the [+a] np universally has the highest degree of prominence in the argument structure. 4.2.1 Foregrounding antipassives Foregrounding antipassives are those whose function is to remove the [ −a] to [+oblique] in order to permit the [+a] to acquire a more prominent syntactic status, typically that of pivot, so that these constructions are diagnostic of asymmetrical ergative–absolutive pivot languages like Dyirbal or Mam. A typology of information packaging 431 Mam resembles English in that its pivot np is syntactized as the target of a number of grammatical constructions, although the two languages differ, of course, in their unmarked choices for pivot, [ +a] or [−a]: (162) English Mam V TRANS <x, y > V TRANS <x, y > | | | | [ +a] [ −a] [ +a] [ −a] | | | | [ +pivot] [−pivot] [ −pivot] [+pivot] In Mam [ −a] arguments can be relativized freely, as befits their status as pivots: (163) ma-a ʔ -w-il-a tns -emph 3sg.abs-1sg.erg-see-1sg [ −a] [ +a] ↓ ↓ tii-xiinaq [x- -tzaj ky-tzyu ʔ n ] intens -man rel.tns-3sg.abs-dir 3pl.erg-grab-dir ‘I saw the man whom they grabbed’ This is, however, not possible for [ +a] arguments, which, as Mam is an asymmetrical ergative–absolutive language, are not pivots. In order for [ +a] arguments to be relativized nps, they must become pivots. To do this a fore- grounding antipassive is used, which derives an intransitive unergative verb, with the [ +a] argument as its sole [−oblique] np and, by default, pivot of the clause: (164) ma -w-il-a tns 3sg.abs-1sg.erg-see-1sg [ −a] [ +a] ↓ ↓ tii-xiinaq [x- -tzaj tzyuu-n intens -man [rel.tns-3sg.abs-dir grab-antipass ky-e xjaal] 3pl.poss-[ +oblique] person ‘I saw the man who had grabbed the people’ Further, foregrounding antipassives are required in Mam whenever the [ +a] argument is the target of control in nonfinite infinitival complements, just as with Dyirbal nonfinite purposive clauses (see section 2.3). Here the allomorph of the antipassive suffix is Download 1.59 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |
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