Language Typology and Syntactic Description, Volume I: Clause Structure, Second edition
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Lgg Typology, Synt Description v. I - Clause structure
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432 William A. Foley Table 7.2 Foregrounding passives and antipassives Asymmetrical nom–acc Asymmetrical erg-abs Basic pattern: [ +a]/v trans = [+pivot] [ −a]/v trans = [+pivot] Derived pattern: Passive: [ −a] = [+pivot] Antipassive: [+a] = [+pivot] antipassive has applied to the complement because the [ −a] of a transitive verb appears in the usual [ +oblique] form of antipassives: (165) ↓ ↓ (a) o chi e ʔ x xjaal [laq’oo- -l t-ee] past 3pl.abs go person buy-antipass-nfn 3sg.poss-[ +oblique] [ +a] ‘The people went to buy it’ ↓ ↓ (b) n-chi-ku ʔ teen xjaal [belaara- -l prog -3pl.abs-dir begin person watch-antipass-nfn [ +a] t-e jun weech 3sg.poss-[ +oblique] one fox ‘The people began to watch the fox’ Patterns like (165) are fully expected in asymmetrical ergative–absolutive pivot languages like Mam (they have already been encountered in the typologically similar language Dyirbal in section 2.3). Because the [ −a] of a transitive verb is the unmarked pivot, it is the normal target for control. But for semantic reasons, it is typically the [ +a] argument which is the shared np between main clause and complement in all languages (Dixon (1994)) and is therefore eligible for control. This conflict is resolved in asymmetrical ergative–absolutive languages like Mam through the use of a foregrounding antipassive, which derives an intransitive unergative verb from a lexically transitive one, through blocking the linking of the [ −a] argument to [−oblique]. As the derived verb is formally intransitive, the [ +a] argument is now the only [−oblique] np and therefore assumes the syntactic properties of pivot. Foregrounding passives and antipassives are mirror images of each other in languages of contrasting typologies, as is shown in table 7.2. Asymmetrical nominative–accusative languages like English and asymmet- rical ergative–absolutive languages like Mam are mirror images of each other in their basic pivot choices between the two [ −oblique] nps of a transitive verb, [ +a] and [−a]. In asymmetrical nominative–accusative languages, the choice is the [ +a] argument, but in asymmetrical ergative–absolutive languages it is A typology of information packaging 433 the [ −a]. This can create problems in both kinds of languages when syntactic constructions sensitive to the pivot notion require the other [ −oblique] np to assume this function, as we have seen in many examples drawn from English, Dyirbal, or Mam in this and previous sections. In such situations, a construc- tion is necessary to allow the other [ −oblique] argument to assume the pivot function. In both types of languages, this is done by preventing the argument which functions as the unmarked pivot choice from linking to [ −oblique], forc- ing it to appear as [ +oblique]. There is now only one [−oblique] argument, so the verb is formally intransitive; in fact, the prototypical way this is done in these languages is through an affix to the transitive verb stem deriving an intransitive verb form. Because there is now only one [ −oblique] argument, this will be the pivot and thereby will take on the syntactic properties proper to this function. In asymmetrical nominative–accusative languages, passive blocks the linking of the [ +a] argument to [−oblique], so the [−a] argument neces- sarily becomes pivot, while in asymmetrical ergative–absolutive languages, antipassive does the same to the [ −a] argument, so that the [+a] becomes pivot. Download 1.59 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |
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