Language Typology and Syntactic Description, Volume I: Clause Structure, Second edition
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Lgg Typology, Synt Description v. I - Clause structure
φ-b’lla ‘buy’
<x, y > | | [ −oblique] [ −oblique] | | [ −pivot] [ +pivot] (b) passive [ +a] [ −a] | | φ-b-i-’lla ‘was bought’ <x, y > | | [ +oblique] [ −oblique] | [ +pivot] Passive constructions are also found in asymmetrical ergative–absolutive languages. As with symmetrical languages, they leave the pivot [ −a] argu- ment unaffected, but block the assignment of [ −oblique] to the [+a] argu- ment. Mam, a Mayan language of Guatemala, is one such language (England (1988)): 422 William A. Foley (141) (a) ma -jaw ky-tx’ee ʔ ma-n xiinaq tzee ʔ past 3sg.abs-dir 3pl.erg-cut-dir man [ +a] tree [−a] [ −a] [ +a] ‘The men cut the tree’ (b) ma -tx’eem-at tzee ʔ (ky-u ʔ n xiinaq) past 3sg.abs-cut-pass tree [ −a] 3pl-by man [ −a] ‘The tree was cut by the men’ Example (141a) is a fully transitive ergative–absolutive construction with pronominal affixes in the verbal complex for both [ +a], ky- 3pl.erg and [−a] as . Both [−oblique] full nps occur following the verb with no prepositions. The passive in (141b) no longer has pronominal affixation for [ +a]; as a [+oblique] np due to passive, it is not eligible for this. Now the only [ −oblique] np is the [ −a] argument tzee ʔ ‘tree’, which occurs as above, an np without preposition realized as a prefix on the passive, -at suffixed verb (other persons would have overt prefixes). Any [ +oblique] [+a] necessarily co-occurs with the agentive preposition -u ʔ n ‘by’, but could be freely omitted. 4.1.1 Foregrounding passives Passive constructions can be divided into two types depending on their basic function. I adopt a functional typology of voice first proposed in Foley and Van Valin (1984). Foregrounding passives are those constructions whose function is to highlight the [ −a] argument; typi- cally, foregrounding passives make the [ −a] argument topic. Formally, the [−a] argument always takes over the grammatical prerogatives of the [ +a] argument, either as pivot in nominative–accusative languages like English, or as the sole [ −oblique] np and hence prominent argument in derived intransitive passive clauses in pivotless languages. In nominative–accusative pivot languages, fore- grounding passives are normally required for the many constructions in which the pivot is not the [ +a] argument: ↓ ↓ (142) (a) *Egbert wants [Mildred to take to the ball] ↓ ↓ (b) Egbert wants [to be taken by Mildred to the ball] ↓ ↓ (143) (a) *A python seems [Egbert to have bought ] ↓ ↓ (b) A python seems [to have been bought by Egbert] A typology of information packaging 423 ↓ ↓ (144) (a) *Ian expects a python [Egbert to buy ] ↓ ↓ (b) Ian expects a python [to be bought by Egbert] ↓ ↓ (145) (a) *The guy [the bartender kissing ] is my brother ↓ ↓ (b) The guy [ being kissed by the bartender] is my brother ↓ ↓ (146) (a) *Fred walked to the library and Bill met ↓ ↓ (b) Fred walked to the library and was met by Bill In each of these cases the target of control or ellipsis is a [ −a] argument of a transitive verb. The target of these processes is necessarily the pivot in English and other languages. Active sentences such as the (a) examples are therefore ungrammatical because they present the [ +a] argument as pivot. Rather, fore- grounding passives are necessary, as in the (b) examples, which not only put the [ +a] argument into a [+oblique] status, but also require the [−a] argument to assume the vacated properties of the [ +a], in this case pivot status. The purpose of the foregrounding passives in (142)–(146), then, is to get the [ −a] promoted in its syntactic status, to assume the grammatical properties of the pivot. Considerations of the animacy hierarchy also play a role in the func- tion of foregrounding passives. When the [ −a] argument is of significantly higher rank on the animacy hierarchy than the [ +a] argument, foreground- ing passives, which raise the syntactic prominence of the [ −a], are often favoured: (147) (a) I got run over by a bus (b) Egbert was stung by a bee! They are strongly disfavoured in the case of the opposite situation: (148) (a) ?A bee was killed by Egbert (b) ?A bus was run off the cliff by me Download 1.59 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |
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