Monocomplementive, tran-sit I vc The railings


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Bog'liq
Gerund

...—> The convention, which was called up by the conser­vative minority, failed to pass a satisfactory resolution. ...-^ Though he was welcomed heartily by his host, Frederick felt at once that something was wrong.
Cf. a more radical diagnostic transformational change of the latter construction: ...—> Frederick, who was welcomed heartily by his host, nevertheless felt at once that something was wrong.
As is seen from the analysis, the adjectival relation of the past participle in the quoted examples is proved by the near-predicative function of the participle iu the derived transforms, be it even within the composition of the finite passive verb form. The adverbial uses of the present parti­ciple react to similar tests in a different way. Cf.: Passing on to the library, he found Mabel entertaining her guests. —> As he passed on to the library, he found Mabel entertaining her guests.
The adverbial force of the present participle in construc­tions like that is shown simply as resulting from the absence of obligatory mediation of be between the participle and its subject (in the derivationally underlying units).
As an additional proof of our point, we may take an ad­jectival construction for a similar diagnostic testing. Cf.: Though red in the face, the boy kept denying his guilt. —> Though he was red in the face, the boy kept denying his guilt.
As we see, the word red, being used in the diagnostic con­cessive clause of complete composition, does not change its adjectival quality for an adverbial quality. Being red in the face would again present another categorial case. Being, as a present participial form, is in the observed syntactic conditions neither solely adjectival-related, nor solely ad­verbial-related; it is by nature adjectival-adverbial, the whole composite unity in question automatically belonging to the same categorial class, i.e. the class of present particip­ial constructions of different subtypes.
§ 6. The consideration of the English verbids in their mutual comparison, supported and supplemented by com­paring them with their non-verbal counterparts, puts for­ward some points of structure and function worthy of spe­cial notice.
In this connection, the infinitive-gerund correlation should first be brought under observation.
Both forms are substance-procesMial, and the natural question that one has to ask about them is, whether the two do not repeat each other by their informative destination and employment. This question was partly answered in the


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paragraph devoted to the general outline of the gerund. Ob­servations of the actual uses of the gerund and the infinitive in texts do show the clear-cut semantic difference between the forms, which consists in the gerund being, on the one hand, of a more substantive nature than the infinitive, i.e. of a nature nearer to the thingness-signification type; on the other hand, of a more abstract nature in the logical sense proper. Hence, the forms do not repeat, but complement each other, being both of them inalienable components of the English verbal system.
The difference between the forms in question may be demonstrated by the following examples:
Seeing and talking to people made him tired. (As char­acteristic of a period of his life; as a general feature of his
disposition) It made him tired to see and talk to so many
people. (All at a time, on that particular occasion); Spending
an afternoon in the company of that gentle soul was always
a wonderful pleasure. (Repeated action, general character­
istic) To spend an afternoon on the grass — lovely! (A
response utterance of enthusiastic agreement); Who doesn't
like singing? (In a general reference) Who doesn't like
to sing? (In reference to the subject)
Comparing examples like these, we easily notice the more dynamic, more actional character of the infinitive as well as of the whole collocations built up around it, and the less dynamic character of the corresponding gerundial colloca­tions. Furthermore, beyond the boundaries of the verb, but within the boundaries of the same inter-class paradigmatic derivation (see above, Ch. IV, § 8), we find the cognate verb­al noun which is devoid of processual dynamics altogether, though it denotes, from a different angle, the same referential process, situation, event. Cf.:
For them to have arrived so early! Such a surprise!

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